That word is -- Oblomovism.

Now, when I hear a country squire talking about the rights of man and urging the necessity of developing personality, I know from the first words he utters that he is an Oblomov.

When I hear a government official complaining that the system of administration is too complicated and cumberson, I know that he is an Oblomov.

When I hear an army officer complaining that parades are exhausting, and boldly arguing that marching at a slow pace is useless, etc., I have not the slightest doubt that he is an Oblomov.

When, in the magazines, I read liberal denunciations of abuses and expressions of joy over the fact that at last something has been done that we have been waiting and hoping for for so long, I think to myself that this has been written from Oblomovka.

When I am in the company of educated people who ardently sympathize with the needs of mankind and who for many years have relating with undiminished heat the same (and sometimes new) anecdotes about bribery, acts of tyranny and lawlessness of every kind, I, in spite of myself, feel that I have been transported to old Oblomovka...

SOURCE: http://books.google.com/books?id=KVVK8Wra4iIC&pg=PA340&lpg=PA340&dq=goncharov+oblomov+what+is+oblomovism+country+squire&source=bl&ots=VnG99AI5Ln&sig=QR8Kkt8HiIoAqeMUl0DYWdYGkLU&hl=en&sa=X&ei=fcpyU-CvM4mjsQTSz4DoDw&ved=0CDwQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=goncharov%20oblomov%20what%20is%20oblomovism%20country%20squire&f=false

Exclusive: U.S. directs agents to cover up program used to investigate Americans

WASHINGTON | Mon Aug 5, 2013 3:25pm EDT
By John Shiffman and Kristina Cooke

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A secretive U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration unit is funneling information from intelligence intercepts, wiretaps, informants and a massive database of telephone records to authorities across the nation to help them launch criminal investigations of Americans.

Although these cases rarely involve national security issues, documents reviewed by Reuters show that law enforcement agents have been directed to conceal how such investigations truly begin - not only from defense lawyers but also sometimes from prosecutors and judges.

The undated documents show that federal agents are trained to "recreate" the investigative trail to effectively cover up where the information originated, a practice that some experts say violates a defendant's Constitutional right to a fair trial. If defendants don't know how an investigation began, they cannot know to ask to review potential sources of exculpatory evidence - information that could reveal entrapment, mistakes or biased witnesses.

"I have never heard of anything like this at all," said Nancy Gertner, a Harvard Law School professor who served as a federal judge from 1994 to 2011. Gertner and other legal experts said the program sounds more troubling than recent disclosures that the National Security Agency has been collecting domestic phone records. The NSA effort is geared toward stopping terrorists; the DEA program targets common criminals, primarily drug dealers.

"It is one thing to create special rules for national security," Gertner said. "Ordinary crime is entirely different. It sounds like they are phonying up investigations."

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http://mobile.reuters.com/article/idUSBRE97409R20130805?irpc=932

Last Plamegate Worry for Bush-Cheney

It’s a well-worn talking point for George W. Bush’s supporters to say there was no underlying crime beneath former White House aide I. Lewis Libby’s conviction for obstructing justice, a debatable point itself. But the evidence is clear there was a larger cover-up conspiracy – and it could still unravel.

By Robert Parry
ConsortiumNews, June 6, 2007

Signaling the Conspirators

Beyond the Plame leak itself, a strong case could be made that the President and Vice President sought to mislead federal investigators and the public. On Sept. 30, 2003, Bush declared that anyone who knew anything about the leak should speak up, even as he was concealing the fact that he had authorized parts of the anti-Wilson campaign.

“If there is a leak out of my administration, I want to know who it is,” Bush said. “I want to know the truth. If anybody has got any information inside our administration or outside our administration, it would be helpful if they came forward with the information so we can find out whether or not these allegations are true.”

Since Bush himself was withholding key information, Bush’s statement could be read as a signal to subordinates to hang tough and deny knowledge, anticipating that the inquiry – then under the control of Attorney General John Ashcroft – would peter out.

In early October, Cheney wrote a memo to the White House press office demanding that a statement be issued clearing Libby of a role in the Plame leak as had already been done for other White House officials, such as Bush’s political adviser Karl Rove.

“Not going to protect one staffer + sacrifice the guy the Pres that was asked to stick his head in the meat grinder because of incompetence of others,” Cheney wrote. In the memo, the Vice President initially ascribed Libby’s sacrifice to Bush but then crossed out “the Pres” and put the clause in a passive tense.

On Oct. 4, 2003, pursuant to Cheney’s memo, White House press secretary Scott McClellan added Libby to the list of officials who have “assured me that they were not involved in this.”

There was also a larger context to the cover-up. In fall 2003, the Republicans controlled both houses of Congress and the Washington press corps had been easily deceived about the Iraq invasion. So, the administration had reason to be confident that the cover-up would hold – as long as the Justice Department played ball.

But Attorney General Ashcroft threw the White House a curve when he recused himself and let Deputy Attorney General James Comey pick a special prosecutor outside the administration’s direct control. Comey chose Chicago U.S. Attorney Fitzgerald, known as a no-nonsense prosecutor with a record of pursuing public corruption cases.

Suddenly, Libby and other senior officials were facing sterner FBI questioning. Still, instead of admitting a role in leaking Plame’s identity, Libby stuck to his denials, concocting a story that he had learned about Plame’s CIA work from NBC’s Tim Russert.

Libby apparently still hoped that his allies in the mainstream news media, particularly New York Times reporter Judy Miller, would shield him from the truth. Indeed, Miller went to jail for 85 days instead of divulging what her source, Libby, had revealed about Plame’s identity.

Under pressure in 2005, however, Libby released Miller from her pledge of confidentiality but phrased his letter in a way that suggested she should stick with the team.

“Out West, where you vacation, the aspens will already be turning,” Libby wrote. “They turn in clusters, because their roots connect them.”

But Libby’s bid failed. With testimony from Miller and others, Fitzgerald built an ironclad case that Libby had lied to investigators and obstructed justice.

CONTINUED...

http://www.consortiumnews.com/2007/060607.html