The Texas law, however, is even more pernicious, because it suggests that even teaching about the concept that one race is superior or inferior, or that one race should be adversely treated on account of their race — in other words, teaching about the history of racism and of racial discrimination — is barred. That means kids in Texas might not learn that Texans enslaved people of African descent and fought two wars to protect slavery. They might not learn that Texas courthouses in the 1950s had signs reading, “Colored Men and Hombres Aqui,” to enforce segregation. They might not learn about the exclusion of Mexican-Americans from Texas juries, or the lynching of Black men and their white allies.

Teaching the history of race, racism and law is not about blaming white individuals today for the actions of white individuals in the past. It is we as a nation that must be held collectively accountable for the role of the legal system in creating and upholding racial hierarchies — and we as citizens and lawyers who can help dismantle them. We are giving students the knowledge and tools to do that.

And that, I believe, is the real reason for all of these laws. This round in the culture and memory wars is part of a much longer campaign to shut down movements for racial justice, especially when they attract white allies. It’s no coincidence that this rash of laws in 2021 followed the unprecedented multiracial Black Lives Matter protests of 2020, and growing pressure on politicians as well as businesses to address the history of systemic racism.

The three-judge panel noted Sibick participated in an ongoing violent assault on a police officer, "ripping off the officer's radio – his lifeline for help – and his badge." D.C. Police Officer Michael Fanone was dragged down Capitol steps into a mob of rioters, then tased, beaten with flagpoles and stripped of his gear, according to prosecutors.

Sibick has admitted to taking Fanone's badge and radio, burying the badge in his backyard and then lying about it, according to court filings.




[link:https://buffalonews.com/news/local/appeals-court-denies-release-of-amherst-man-charged-in-capitol-attack/article_45f66cb4-cd2e-11eb-8e51-d3fe43b11297.html?utm_source=The%2520Buffalo%2520News%2520App&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=News%2520Alerts|

“A foster home is a possible disposition, but that is not the primary purpose of a foster home.”

Foster homes are not meant for kids with extreme behavioral issues, but that’s not always how it plays out.

“I think we need to evaluate the entirety of these programs,” said Sen. Jeff Brandes - (R) District 24.[link:https://www.wftv.com/news/local/volusia-county/volusia-county-shooting-highlights-issues-with-florida-juvenile-justice-foster-care-systems/JZ3RHBKV7FCSHDNP2IYVCUQCCA/|

For a generation after Reconstruction’s end, these Southern state parties had a significant number of black Republicans in leadership positions. In Texas, for example, Norris Wright Cuney — a black man — was the state party “boss” between 1884 and 1896.

But over time, white-supremacist Republicans — known as the Lily-Whites — pushed black leaders like Cuney and their white allies — known as the Black-and-Tans — out of the party.

In some states — like North Carolina, Alabama and Virginia — the purge of black leaders was quick and lasting. Other states fended off the Lily-Whites for a time. Mississippi, for example, remained under the control of Perry Howard, a black man, until 1960 — and consistently sent majority black delegations to the GOP convention.

During Reconstruction, when black voters were the Republican Party’s core Southern constituency, a whiter party leadership resulted in the GOP losing votes. Black voters were paying attention and punished their state GOP if black leadership declined.

However, after Southern Democrats passed legislation to disenfranchise black voters, that switched. The whiter the party leadership was, the better the GOP did in elections — whether those were presidential, congressional or gubernatorial elections.

Although this fight was mostly over control of federal patronage, the Lily-Whites argued that the only way for the GOP to win elections in the region again was to become a “white” party and purge its black leaders. This was because black voters were largely disenfranchised and white Southern voters were unwilling to vote for a “Negro” party.

Many have noted that whiteness is a fundamental part of today’s Republican Party. Our results suggest that this is nothing new and show where it came from. The Southern GOP consciously decided in the early 20th century to make itself white by excluding blacks from the party leadership. This was a necessary condition for making the Southern Republican Party viable — and ultimately dominant — in elections in the late 20th century.

On Wednesday, McConnell argued that it’s “not at all clear” what good a January 6 commission could do. Thanks to McConnell, we may never know. And that’s great news for domestic terrorists.


[link:https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/05/19/when-next-attack-comes-blood-will-be-gops-hands/|