Most U.S. colleges -- 89% -- reported zero incidents of rape in 2015, according to American Association of University Women (AAUW) analysis of data provided by schools to the U.S. Department of Education.

Reported is the key word. Just because a school had no rape reports doesn't mean no rapes happened.

AAUW's findings very likely do not reflect the true state of sexual violence among college students, since a majority of incidents go unreported. In fact, a 2014 report by the U.S. Department of Justice estimated that 80% of student victims don't report their rape or sexual assault to police, based on data from 1995–2013.

Still, the 2015 AAUW report isn't as rosy as the previous year's. In 2014, 91% of schools reported zero rapes, based on annual crime data disclosed by more than 11,000 colleges and universities.

Since being “blacklisted” by Hollywood after her infamous photo with a bloody Donald Trump head, Kathy Griffin has made a remarkable comeback, selling out Carnegie Hall in a single day, planning a national tour, and now teaming up with another of Trump’s most famous, and camera-friendly, antagonists. At Politicon in Los Angeles next month, Griffin will sit down for a conversation with Michael Avenatti, the ever-present lawyer for Stormy Daniels.

Griffin and Avenatti will be headliners at Politicon, described as an “unconventional political convention,” where guests will include everyone from Ann Coulter to Henry Winkler. Griffin, who met and took a photo with Avenatti at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner this past spring (where she said she was busy picking fights with every Cabinet member she could), said she’s been a fan from the start. And so has her fanbase.

In an interview with FrontLine Magazine, the journal of Foundations Baptist Fellowship International, published in 2012, Ms. Mitchell said she first became familiar with issues around child sex crimes when she was paired up with a senior attorney who was working a case involving a youth choir director accused of misconduct.

“It was different than anything that I would have ever imagined it being,” she said.“It intrigued me, and I continued to do other work with that bureau chief. It struck me how innocent and vulnerable the victims of these cases really were.”

The greatest thing about HBCUs are the toiling students fighting for justice on these campuses. Not the college presidents, boards of trustees, the administrators, teachers, or coaches. It is the students who, under adversity of both institutional racism and the duplicity of some who minister to them, claiming to be role models, perennially rise above nonsense and develop a historical awareness of the dynamics of empowerment and self-reliance.

HBCUs like to market themselves as having produced the student activists that formed the modern Black freedom movement. This is a patriotic and conservative discourse in post-civil rights America. This obscures how historically HBCUs have repressed students and calls for democratic accountability on their own campuses. Students have grown to understand, in their historical rebellions against Black college presidents and administrators, that as a social class, these are not role models or heroic people. Instead they are agents of subordination and degradation. HBCUs often reproduce elites to collaborate with institutional racism and keep everyday Blacks down and disoriented.

One elder chair of a Black Studies department once told me, “there are many things you can do in terms of political education and organizing at a historically Black college. The one thing you will not be permitted to do is oppose the Black college president.” And yet, any struggle for democracy (majority rule) must strive to take away power from the minority who rules above institutions and society, or such organizing is merely a cultural decoration that makes those who rule yawn and maintain the disposition of mild amusement.

At their origin, HBCUs were created with two contradictory purposes. After Reconstruction (1865-1877) HBCUs produced a Black political class to contain the grassroots and popular mobilization of Black sharecroppers and domestic servants that continue to disorient Black toilers. HBCUs also were created by sincere Black church-folk with a faith-based mission genuinely concerned with self-reliance.

The greatest thing about HBCUs are the toiling students fighting for justice on these campuses. Not the college presidents, boards of trustees, the administrators, teachers, or coaches. It is the students who, under adversity of both institutional racism and the duplicity of some who minister to them, claiming to be role models, perennially rise above nonsense and develop a historical awareness of the dynamics of empowerment and self-reliance.

HBCUs like to market themselves as having produced the student activists that formed the modern Black freedom movement. This is a patriotic and conservative discourse in post-civil rights America. This obscures how historically HBCUs have repressed students and calls for democratic accountability on their own campuses. Students have grown to understand, in their historical rebellions against Black college presidents and administrators, that as a social class, these are not role models or heroic people. Instead they are agents of subordination and degradation. HBCUs often reproduce elites to collaborate with institutional racism and keep everyday Blacks down and disoriented.

One elder chair of a Black Studies department once told me, “there are many things you can do in terms of political education and organizing at a historically Black college. The one thing you will not be permitted to do is oppose the Black college president.” And yet, any struggle for democracy (majority rule) must strive to take away power from the minority who rules above institutions and society, or such organizing is merely a cultural decoration that makes those who rule yawn and maintain the disposition of mild amusement.

At their origin, HBCUs were created with two contradictory purposes. After Reconstruction (1865-1877) HBCUs produced a Black political class to contain the grassroots and popular mobilization of Black sharecroppers and domestic servants that continue to disorient Black toilers. HBCUs also were created by sincere Black church-folk with a faith-based mission genuinely concerned with self-reliance.