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cally (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore | Fri Mar-03-06 02:51 PM Original message |
Pedophile...why? |
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Why do humans have sexual attraction to children? It doesn't make much sense from an evolutionary standpoint but it seems to be more common than most of us want to believe. It seems that 1/4 to 1/3 of adult males have some sexual attraction to children. One of the problems is that the definitions of pedophila lump all crimes into the same category yet there is a difference between sex with a 15 year old who claims he or she is 20 and sexual activity with a baby or toddler. I would like to see laws that punish based on more of a continuum.
Enslaving children for prostitution either is growing or becoming more public. There is a demand for this and I'm interested in any ideas on how to decrease the acceptance of this exploitation and make it socially taboo for to engage in any sexual acts with children. From Wikipedia: The extent to which pedophilia occurs is not known with any certainty. Some studies have concluded that at least a quarter of all adult men may have some feelings of sexual arousal in connection with children <6>. A study by Hall et al. of Kent State University, for example, found that 32.5% of their sample — consisting of eighty adult males — exhibited sexual arousal to pedophilic stimuli that equaled or exceeded their arousal to the adult stimuli. Further studies indicate that even men erotically fixated on adult females are generally prone to react sexually when exposed to nude female children. <7> In 1989 Briere and Runtz conducted a study on 193 male undergraduate students concerning pedophilia. Of the sample, 21% acknowledged sexual attraction to some small children; 9% reported sexual fantasies involving children; 5% admitted masturbating to these fantasies; and 7% conceded some probability of actually having sex with a child if they could avoid detection and punishment.<8> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pedophilia#Extent_of_occurrence Then I read the FBI behavioral analysis (parts of it) The often forgotten piece in the puzzle of the sexual victimization of children is acquaintance molestation. This seems to be the most difficult manifestation of the problem for society and the law to face. People seem more willing to accept a sinister stranger from a different location or father/stepfather from a different socioeconomic background as a child molester than a clergy member, next-door neighbor, law-enforcement officer, pediatrician, teacher, or volunteer with direct access to children. The acquaintance molester, by definition, is one of us. He is not just an external threat. We cannot easily distinguish him from us or identify him by physical traits. These kinds of molesters have always existed, but society and the criminal-justice system have been reluctant to accept the reality of these cases. When such an offender is discovered in our midst, a common response has been to just move him out of our midst, perform damage control, and then try to forget about it. Sadly one of the main reasons that the criminal-justice system and public were forced to confront the problem of acquaintance molestation was the preponderance of lawsuits arising from the negligence of many prominent organizations. One of the unfortunate outcomes of society’s preference for the “stranger-danger” concept has a direct impact on the investigation of many acquaintance-exploitation cases. It is what I call, “say no, yell, and tell” guilt. This is the result of societal attitudes and prevention programs that tell potential child victims to avoid sexual abuse by saying no, yelling, and telling. This might work with the stranger lurking behind a tree. Children who are seduced and actively participate in their victimization, however, often feel guilty and blame themselves because they did not do what they were “supposed” to do. These seduced and, therefore, compliant victims may feel a need to sometimes describe their victimization in more socially acceptable but inaccurate ways that relieve them of this guilt. Except for child prostitution, most sexual-exploitation-of-children cases in the United States involve acquaintance molesters who rarely use physical force on their victims. Another excerpt: The second side involves understanding the child victims as human beings with needs, wants, and desires. Child victims cannot be held to idealistic and superhuman standards of behavior. Their frequent cooperation in their victimization must be viewed as an understandable human characteristic that should have no criminal-justice significance. In theory the law recognizes their developmental limitations and affords them with special protection. The repeated use, however, of terms such as “rape,” “sexual violence,” “assault,” “attack,” “sexually violent predator,” and “unwanted sexual activity,” when discussing or inquiring about the sexual exploitation of children assumes or implies in the minds of many that all child victims resist sexual advances by adults and are then overpowered by coercion, threats, weapons, or physical force. Although cases with these elements certainly exist, when adults and children have sex, lack of “consent” can exist simply because the child is legally incapable of giving consent. Whether or not the child resisted, said no, and was overpowered are, therefore, not necessarily elements in determining if a crime has occurred. Understanding this is especially problematic for the public (i.e., potential jurors) and professionals (i.e., physicians, therapists) who lack specialized training in criminal law and may not rely on strict legal analysis. Both halves of this form of sexual exploitation of children must be recognized, understood, and addressed if these cases are going to be effectively investigated and prosecuted. The sad reality is, however, that such behavior does have significance in the perception of society and “real world” of the courtroom. Society’s lack of understanding and acceptance of the reality of acquaintance molestation and exploitation of children often results in failure to disclose and even denial of victimization incomplete, inaccurate, distorted disclosures when they do happen lifetime of victim shame, embarrassment, and guilt offenders with numerous victims over an extended period of time ineffective prevention programs that also make the first four problems even worse http://www.missingkids.com/en_US/publications/NC70.pdf Here's a description of why pedophiles desire children. (It's a 160 page report so this barely skims to surface of the analysis.): Situational-type sex offenders victimizing children do not have a true sexual preference for children. They may molest them, however, for a wide variety of situational reasons. They are more likely to view and be aroused by adult pornography, but might engage in sex with children in certain situations. Situational sex offenders frequently molest readily available children they have easy access to such as their own or those they may live with or have control over. Pubescent teenagers are high-risk, viable sexual targets. Younger children may also be targeted because they are weak, vulnerable, or available. Morally indiscriminate situational offenders may select children, especially adolescents, simply because they have the opportunity and think they can get away with it. Social misfits may situationally select child victims out of insecurity and curiosity. Others may have low self-esteem and use children as substitutes for preferred adults. At the other end of the motivation continuum are the more “preferential” sex offenders. Although they can be unintelligent and poor, they tend to be more intelligent and more likely from higher socioeconomic groups. Their criminal sexual behavior tends to be in the service of deviant sexual needs known as paraphilias. This behavior is often persistent and compulsive and is primarily fantasy-driven. Their erotic imagery creates and repeated fantasy over time then fuels the needs. They are more likely to consider these needs rather than the risks involved and therefore make “needy” mistakes that often seem almost stupid. When they collect pornography and related paraphernalia, it usually focuses the themes of their paraphilic preferences. Their fantasy-driven behavior tends to focus not only on general victim characteristics and their entitlement to sex, but also on their paraphilic preferences including specific victim preferences; their relationship to the victim (i.e., teacher, rescuer, mentor); and their detailed scenario (i.e., education, rescue, journey) (Hazelwood & Warren, 2001). Their criminal sexual behavior is rooted in their sexual fantasies and need to turn fantasy into reality. Their verbal skills are usually high, and they are less likely to use physical violence to control victims. They are more likely to have a history of primarily sex offenses. Their sex crimes usually stem from a fantasy-fueled and elaborate script that is far more detailed and elaborate (i.e., dialogue, exact sequence, clothing) than the “plan” of a situational-type sex offender or common criminal. They tend to “audition” their potential victims, selecting them primarily based on their similarity to and consistency with that script. There can be a lengthy “rehearsal” or grooming process leading up to the victimization. They are more likely to use fantasy “props” (i.e., fetish items, costumes, toys) and critique the activity, but not necessarily learn from or then modify their criminal sexual behavior. Their patterns of behavior are more likely to involve the previously discussed concept of ritual. As this descriptive term implies, preferential-type sex offenders have specific sexual preferences or paraphilias. For instance those with a preference for children could be called “pedophiles.” Those with a preference for peeping could be called voyeurs, and those with a preference for suffering could be called sadists. But one of the purposes of this typology is to limit the use of these diagnostic terms for investigators and prosecutors. Preferential-type sex offenders are more likely to view, be aroused by, and collect theme pornography. A pedophile would be just one example or subcategory of a preferential sex offender. A preferential sex offender whose sexual preferences do not include children, and is therefore not a pedophile, can still sexually victimize children. Pg 34 |
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