Ever since these kinds of regime-change operations were outsourced to the NED/USAID complex of NGO's in the 80's (to provide the kind of deniability that isn't available to the CIA), they've been somewhat insulated from changes in the administration. Budgets and priorities are set well in advance, and bureaucracies within the NGO's keep going on their own momentum. Vin Weber may no longer be running the NED, but I can't believe much else has had time to change. Also, groups like the International Republican Institute are going to pretty much keep doing what they want irrespective -- and can be counted upon to stir up trouble.
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/2600September 12th 2007
The so-called “defenders of human rights” in Venezuela, and NGOs (non-government organisations), receive a large part of their funding through Freedom House, another group contracted by USAID-OTI in Venezuela. Freedom House has sponsored events such as “The threats to freedom of expression in the 21st century” with the participation of Marcel Granier, president of the coup-plotting television station RCTV, together with Karen Hughes, the Sub secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs (the propaganda office of the State Department that supervises Voice of America and other propagandistic media coming from Washington) and the US Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL, Republican- Florida)
Freedom House also funds US institutions, such as the International Centre for Non-violent Conflict (ICNVC) that gives courses in Gene Sharp’s techniques of “resistance”, and which has advised youth and students movements in Serbia, Ukraine, Georgia, Belorussia and Venezuela. Its president during 2003-2005 was James Woolsey, ex-Director of the CIA and its current president, Peter Ackerman, is a multimillionaire banker who has sponsored “regime changes” in Serbia, Ukraine, and Georgia through the Albert Einstein Institute and its ICNVC. The son of Ackerman participated in the massacre of the Iraqi people in Fallujah. ...
In March 2004, USAID opened up another Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) in Bolivia, to supposedly help “reduce tensions in zones of social conflict and help the country with preparations for electoral events”. In this case, USAID contracted the US company Casals & Associates, Inc. (C&A) to manage the more than $13.3 million that they had already granted to 379 organisations, political parties and projects in Bolivia. C&A plays the role in Bolivia which the DAI does in Venezuela, and just like the DAI, C&A is a company with large contracts with the Defence Department, the US Army, US Navy, the Energy Department, Broadcasting Board of Governance, the Voice of America, the Office for Transmissions (of propaganda) to Cuba, the Interior Security Department, the State Department and many more. ...
In Bolivia, USAID-OTI has focussed its efforts on combating and influencing the Constituent Assembly and the separatism of the regions rich in natural resources, such as Santa Cruz and Cochabamba. ... The USAID-OTI program in Bolivia is openly supporting the autonomy of certain regions, such as Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija, and therefore promoting separatism and the destabilisation of the country and the government of Evo Morales. The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), another one of Washington’s financial organs, which promotes subversion and intervention in more than 70 countries across the world, including Venezuela, is also funding groups in regions such as Santa Cruz, which fight for separatism. The current US ambassador in Bolivia, Philip Goldberg, is an expert in issues of separatism, having been the head of the US mission in ex-Yugoslavia that was divided into two countries: Bosnia and Serbia, with US “help”.
http://www.iri.org/lac/bolivia.aspAdvancing Democracy in Bolivia
The International Republican Institute’s (IRI) programs focus on improving governance in resource-rich but disenfranchised communities and strengthening political processes so people see democracy’s tangible benefits.
In IRI’s program promoting good governance in resource-rich but disenfranchised communities, citizens in Potosi and Oruro, local authorities and the private sector work together to develop policies that benefit the entire community. ...
In December 2005, Movement Toward Socialism leader Evo Morales won the presidency with a historic 54.3 percent of the vote – the widest margin of any leader since the restoration of civilian rule in 1982. Morales promised to alter the country's traditional political class structure and empower the nation's poor majority by nationalizing the energy sector, re-examining the current coca eradication programs and vowing to decriminalize coca growing. Morales also was highly critical of the "neo-liberal" economic policies that have been implemented in Bolivia over the past two decades.
Acting on a campaign promise, Morales called for the creation of a constitutional assembly to redraft the country’s charter. The entire process was tainted with illegalities and violence as the central government attempted to draft the constitution unilaterally. As the process reached deadlock between government and opposition, the constitutional text was ultimately approved by Morales’s followers in sessions in which the opposition was shut out by violent social movements and police. The tension between the government and the lowlands has become more acute as the new charter clashes with the lowlands’ plans for regional autonomy. This has created an uphill battle for Morales as four regions in the lowlands have approved regional autonomous statutes.