A Brf History of the Radical, Violent Right: How Racist Hate Groups Joined With Abortion Terrorists

[marmar]

via AlterNet:



A Brief History of the Radical, Violent Right: How Racist Hate Groups Joined up With Abortion Terrorists

By James Ridgeway, MotherJones.com. Posted June 6, 2009.

Alleged murderer Scott Roeder was once a white separatist before he became an anti-choice zealot -- many others have followed the same deadly path.



The revelation that Scott Roeder, the alleged murderer of Dr. George Tiller, belonged to an anti-government, white separatist group called the Montana Freemen might seem like an unlikely twist. After all, such groups are generally thought of as either indifferent to the issue of abortion or actively enthusiastic about its potential for reducing the nonwhite population. As it turns out, however, the journey from radical racialist to anti-abortionist isn't as unusual as you might think.

Roeder's connections to the right-wing fringe began well over a decade ago, according to the Kansas City Star. His ex-wife, Lindsey, said that after a few years of marriage, Roeder became increasingly involved with the Freemen and its anti-government ideology. "The anti-tax stuff came first, and then it grew and grew. He became very anti-abortion…That's all he cared about is anti-abortion. 'The church is this. God is this.' Yadda yadda." Noting that she vehemently disagreed with her ex-husband's views, Lindsey Roeder told the Star that he moved out in 1994. "I thought he was over the edge with that stuff," she said. "He started falling apart. I had to protect myself and my son."

In 1996, Roeder was arrested in Topeka after sheriff deputies stopped his car because it had no license plate. Instead, the Star reported, "it bore a tag declaring him a 'sovereign' and immune from state law. In the trunk, deputies found materials that could be assembled into a bomb." Roeder was convicted, sentenced to two years probation, and told to stay away from far-right groups. A state appeals court subsequently overturned the conviction.

Roeder and the Freemen belonged to a little-recognized nativist political movement that began in the early 20th century, flared up periodically, and then ripped through the American heartland during the farm depression of the mid-1980s. This movement was often called "the posse," after a core group named the Posse Comitatus. Like any political movement, it consisted of a myriad of shifting entities that appeared and disappeared. But even though the names of the groups often changed, they all held tightly to the notion that the true white sovereigns, who had rightfully been given this land by God, were being threatened by race traitors "inferior races" creeping across the borders from Mexico and lands farther south. A favorite posse image was a drawing of a man hanging by the neck from a tree on a hill. Below in the distance stands a group of armed men. A sign is scrawled on the drawing. It says "The posse." ...........(more)

The complete piece is at: http://www.alternet.org/story/140458/a_brief_history_of_the_radical%2C_violent_right%3A_how_racist_hate_groups_joined_up_with_abortion_terrorists/

[Miss Authoritiva]

1. The protection racket...

Susan Faludi offers some insight into the linkage between militia membership and antiabortion violence. This is excerpted from her book, Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Man, by Susan Faludi.

(T)he oldest American male myth, the original protection racket, (is) the captivity narrative. In that formative genre, conceived in the pre-colonial days and enshrined in American literature, a basic script pertains: a young woman is “captured” by raiding Indians who attempt to strip her of her whiteness. The pioneersman’s mission is to search out and rescue her before she “goes native,” which is to say, before she has sex with an Indian…. Certainly by the close of the twentieth century, the (captivity) narrative was painfully threadbare as a workable masculine drama. Few women, even the most conservative, were interested in exchanging independence for protection.

Men who were determined to keep the fantasy going had to range far to find a viable pretext, which may be one explanation for the remarkably consistent correlation between militia membership and anti-abortion zealotry. Both “movements” are about protection -- and the silent fetus, unlike the unpredictable modern woman, is one captive who can’t reject a protection offer. No wonder that fetuses in anti-abortion literature are most often depicted as little girls…. But even rescuing the captive fetus has its problems. The fetus’s captor, after all, is a woman. Even here, then, the men found themselves back in battle with their true nemesis: the independent woman.