From a DemocracyNow! interview on Monday, Aug. 9th.
Norman Mailer: Why I Am Protesting the PresidencyAMY GOODMAN: Well, why don't we continue in that vein and you wrote an incredible work, Miami and the Siege of Chicago, about what happened in 1968. Why don't you talk about the siege of Chicago and relate it to what you're talking about today.
NORMAN MAILER: Well, there you had -- in a funny way, what you had was a reverse media, because the media covered the massacre on Michigan Boulevard. Most of you, I’m sure, know all about it, but for those of who you don't, there was a huge march of demonstrators, an essentially a peaceful march that went up Michigan Boulevard and at a given moment, given the order by Mayor Daly then, not the present Richard Daly, but his father, the police surged into the marchers and beat them up with canes. It was all on television. It was extraordinary television. One of the incredible moments of network television, and everyone was shocked down to the core. The Cronkites, the Rathers, whoever was there then. I don't remember. They were all profoundly shocked. It looked at the moment, it looked like: how awful, how awful, the republicans are going to pay for this, quite the contrary. The republicans won. Because out there on the core of America, the thing we have to recognize is the injustice that you are talking about in the media, which has rankled me for so many year that I cannot talk about it are not going to be overcome by talking, but they're going to be overcome by acquiring bits of power more and more. I would argue with you that The New York Times, bad as it is today, it's far better than it was 50 years ago. 50 years ago it wasn't written well. And the point is that to overcome, to overtake this incredible centrality of the corporation, we have got to learn guile. We have to learn to understand the enemy, and we have to devote our live to it. Not all of our lives. None of us will do that, I hope. We have to devote a good part of our lives to recognizing that we are not going to win this war by being funnier than the republicans. The democrats and the left have been incredibly more funny than the republicans for 50 years. I said this in Wellfleet last year. We have been laughing at them for 50 years and we are further back now than when we began. The way to do it is to acquire power and people in the middle America are terrified of change. Very often they have bad conscience. The bad conscience comes because to the degree they're good Christians, which would be half of the country, they feel they're a little too greedy to be a good Christian and it bothers them, which is why we keep getting this brainwashing all the time, which is immensely more successful than the brainwashing that went on in the Soviet Union. That was crude - the kids saw through it and they hated it. Now the brainwashing is immensely sensitive. It's clever. You pointed it out all over the place what they do. I was agreeing with you every step of the way, but statement, I kept saying it can never be enough pause because we're talking to ourselves. We have to reach into the middle. I would just say that the first step is to get Kerry elected, whatever faults he has. Once he's elected. We will have more of a voice. We're not going to have the voice. The corporation will still have the voice. But it can be the beginning of a very long march back toward at least the center of the power that we need. And I’m lightly ahead and I’m going to quit.
AMY GOODMAN: What do you think of the role of protests? I mean, you have extensively written about it. You won the Pulitzer Prize for your book --
NORMAN MAILER: I'm also protests – I’m all for protests when an election is not coming up. Because: protests can have a huge effect, slowly, steadily not immediately. Almost immediately, the media particularly in America does its best to put protests down. But over a long haul, the march on the Pentagon ended up being a success. I have said this many times, but what Lyndon Johnson saw was that 50,000 middle class people, middle aged and young and a few old, paid their way to get to Washington with the prospect of being hit over the head before a club. Lyndon Johnson was a very canny man. He knew there's one thing about middle class people: they didn't like getting hit over the head with a club. If they -- if they are going to spend their money to come to Washington to protest, he was sick. Because he knew if he paid the way of all of the people who would come to support his war in Vietnam, he would be lucky to get 5,000 people. 50,000 had come this way, with all fear and determination, then there were probably somewhere between 5 million and 50 million behind them. He didn't want to find out. It took something away from them. He brought in Clark Clifford at one point to ask him for an honest appraisal of the war in Vietnam. Clifford said, it's a loser. Clifford was respected by Johnson because he was rejected. He said, you're not going to win this war, you cannot. I think that led to -- well, now we get into all of the complications of history. It's never clean. So, Johnson stepped down, Nixon came in, and Nixon knew advantage was to keep the war going for four years to get re-elected, et cetera, et cetera. Here we get into all of the tangles. I'm saying that we have to enter the land of the tangles.
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