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Edited on Fri Apr-24-09 04:09 PM by The Magistrate
It would constitute 'calling out' to link to blatant examples just from today, but examination of threads touching on this matter will readily produce sight of calls for arrest of leading Democrats, for their banishment from office, and claims they are just as responsible as the Bush administration for the latter's crimes. Nor is this a particularly new phenomenon. There has long been a strain here which takes Democratic Party leaders as as much if not more of an enemy than Republicans. In a matter like this one particularly, that line is worse than useless; it is actively counter-productive.
There are two leading reasons for reluctance among professional politicians leading the Democratic Party to press for prosecutions of the Bush administration.
The first is that it has long been an unspoken tenet of our political system that losing an election is not a jailing offense. This is a chief reason why turnings over of power as a result of elections proceed so smoothly. A precedent, set for the best and most scrupulous of reasons, running contrary to this long understanding, may take on a life of its own, and be mis-used in future to justify purely political persecution of an ousted party. Sooner or later, there must loom down the road the possibility it will not be the result of elections, but rather the result of a quick canvas of the loyalties of various units of the armed forces and police which will determine who serves the next 'term' of office. Persons professionally engaged in the business of government will be well aware of this, and loathe to take the first step that might prove to be a stride along this very possible path. Whether one agrees with such caution or not, in this particular circumstance, it cannot be rightly said it is a specious or unreasonable fear.
The second is concern over the actual degree of political support for this course in the public at large. if prosecution does not enjoy wide and strong popular support, prosecution will recoil violently upon its authors. Public sentiment on this matter is yet fluid, and the native inclination of the public seems to have been, in earlier instances, to revert to the national tendency to antinomianism, and cling sturdily to the idea that because America is good, it does and can do no wrong, or at least that any wrong it does is done for such a good reason, flowing from such a good character, that it becomes in its essence a good thing rather than the wrong it may seem on its face. These are deep waters, Sir, and roiling them ought to be regarded with great circumspection.
All agitation on this matter therefore needs to be directed very particularly, at particular individuals and at a precise circumstance. It helps somewhat that the individuals who must be the chief focus are widely unpopular, and viewed as having failed the country in a variety of fields while in power. It is, in fact, only the economic dislocation, and the incompetence of the prosecution of the war in Iraq, that opens any scope at all for popular will towards prosecution for the war crimes the Bush administration engaged in, and even here, it is only the narrow question of torturing prisoners that the public will entertain; violations of international humanitarian law regarding the employment of military force in circumstances that cause death and injury to non-combatants in Iraq or Afghanistan, and the whole question of waging a war of aggression in Iraq, things of much greater scope and real import, are not and never will be admitted to the popular mind.
Any broadening of scope in this matter, beyond the narrow and precise charge that specific named individuals in the Executive branch conspired to commit the felony of violating international law regarding the treatment of prisoners, and gave orders to commit that felony and saw to the execution of those orders to commit that felony by their subordinates, does active harm.
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