Need precinct poll locations in Broward County, can anyone post a URL or

[berniew1]

tell me how to get the precinct polling locations?? Need for detailed fraud analysis. Broward seems to have had the most touchscreen fraud in Florida.
I went to the county S.O.E. website and couldn't find it.
Strange?


Also I'm interesting in getting state voter turnout data for 2000 and 2004. Anyone know a quick web site?

[chomskysright]

1. Kathy Dopp et al is your lady...& Jeff Fisher: Progressive Dem:.

item 1:

Florida. They concluded that nothing was awry, and in fact, went so far as to title the article "No flaw in Bush's state win."

Here's a link to a reprint of the story that doesn't require registration:

http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/20021...

Here are the tallies for Union County:

Bush original: 3396
Bush hand count: 3393 (-3)
Kerry original: 1251
Kerry hand count: 1272 (+21)
Net change: Kerry +24

Here are the tallies for Lafayette County:

Bush original: 2460
Bush hand count: 2452 (-8)
Kerry original: 845
Kerry hand count: 848 (+3)
Net change: Kerry +11

It's a bit more complicated for the third county they looked at, Suwanee County, because they only report the totals for a hand count of "almost 60%" of the ballots.

Bush original: 11153
Kerry original: 4522
Bush hand count: 6140
Kerry hand count: 2984

In the original count, 71.2% of the votes cast for Bush or Kerry (n=15675) went to Bush. In the hand count, this drops to 67.3%. That is a significant drop. Let's translate that into numbers. If you take the percentages from the hand count and extrapolate, here's what you get:

Bush = 15675 x .673 = 10549 (loss of 604)
Kerry = 15675 x .327 = 5126 (gain of 604)
Net change: Kerry +1208

A switch of 1208 votes in a county with less than 16K votes cast is obviously huge. Now maybe there's a very large percentage of Bush votes in that remaining 40% that they didn't count, but we can't know that because they didn't count them. Which begs the question...why did they stop counting in Suwannee County when their tabulation of 60% of the ballots deviated so much from the original total? And without actually counting those remaining ballots, how can they possibly report that nothing is amiss when the data they have so far suggests a possible problem?

They conclude that there's "no flaw in Bush's state win." Sorry, but what I see is a possible gain of 1243 votes for Kerry from three small counties in which only 23627 ballots were cast. That represents about 0.3% of the ballots cast for Bush and Kerry statewide. If Kerry gained votes at the same rate statewide, he picks up nearly 400,000 votes and wins Florida.

Thanks Miami Herald, you just revealed to us in your hand counts that there's a possibility that Kerry won Florida.


item 2:


http://www.flcv.com/fla04EAS.html

I've done an analysis of the Florida election data comparing 2004 results for President to the 2000 results and also to the increase in registration for Dems and Repubs between 2000 and 2004.
As previously noted in a study by Univ. of California-Berkeley researchers, there are some big unusual patterns in the big touchscreen counties and a few of the big optical scan counties. They had a big Repub vote swing that was not consistent with the 2000 vote and the Dem and Repub registration increases between 2000 and 2004.
The data and analysis can be found at: www.flcv.com/fla04EA.html
The touchscreen counties with unusual Republican vote increases include: Broward, Hillsboro, Indian River, Lake, Martin, Palm Beach, Pinellas, Sarasota. I don't know whether the provisional ballots were included in the data I used or the extent that they were, so this could be a smaller issue. Charlotte, Lee, Miami-Dade also had similar patterns but to a somewhat lesser degree.
Additionally among the Optical scan counties there were also similar patterns: Bay, Brevard, Manatee, Orange, Osceola, Polk. Citrus, Escambia, Hernando, Marion, Seminole, and St Lucie also had similar pattern but to lesser degree.
The only explanations for this pattern other than irregularities would be that the Repubs hugely beat the Dems in get out the vote or a lot more Dems voted for Bush in 2004 than in 2000. I haven't confirmed that either of those happened. I heard the Dems thought they had a record get out the vote effort in Florida.


The data I used came from :
http://ustogether.org/Florida_Election.htm
http://election.dos.state.fl.us/voterreg/index.shtml
http://enight.dos.state.fl.us/
http://www.floridacountiesmap.com/counties_list.shtml


item 3:



Secret GOP Plan to Disrupt Voting in Florida

by Greg Palast

http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/3956129.stm BBC's Newsnight 26 October 2004

www.globalresearch.ca 30 October 2004

The URL of this article is: http://globalresearch.ca/articles/PAL410B.html

item 4:

some activists were here, including Fisher:

How do I find this MSN Group on the Web?
http://groups.msn.com/FloridaElectionActivist


itemn 5: call these people:



Martha, Jeff is referencing data that I have collected for The Election Protection Coalition's "Election Incident Reporting System". The EIRS was first testing in Florida's Primary 31 Aug. and as of last count has received over 31,000 Incident reports Nationally, of which Florida's Election has the highest incident rate of the Nation.

Try Ben Roth at 561-865-9548 or 561-889-2165 Jeff's cell.

What county do you live in and do you have some thing to report? Bill

William F. Faulkner
[e-mail]
[phone]

item 6

Poll watchers find few problems in Broward County, Florida
The Sun-Sentinel of Florida reports on Election Protection’s poll-monitoring on Election Day:

Election monitors from local precincts and far-flung lands, from swank law offices and from grass-roots campaigns, swooped into action across Florida on Tuesday, reporting snafus at polling stations but nothing like the broad voter disenfranchisement some had feared.

“We’ve seen some brush fires, but nothing in the Dante’s Inferno category,” said Elliot Mincberg,legal director of the People for the American Way Foundation. The liberal advocacy group joined the nonpartisan Election Protection Coalition in dispatching thousands of lawyers and poll workers to help voters navigate party challenges and logistic roadblocks at the voting booth.

Speaking at the coalition’s Broward County nerve center, phones set up among hotplates of fried chicken and thermoses of coffee, Mincberg said the biggest problem he witnessed Tuesday was a run of Broward Country voters who hadn’t received absentee ballots on time. In such cases, citizens can vote only if they show up at their home precincts—an expensive and sometimes impossible task for those living overseas or far afield.

Read the full article here

(November 5, 2004 03:25 PM )


item 7:

I've looked through the official results for the state of Florida and have found some a strange fact that no one else has either noticed or attempted to offer an explanation for. That fact is that voters who turned out but did not cast a vote for President are clearly more numerous on some machines, groups, and counties than others.

http://electionexamination.blogspot.com/


Saturday, November 20, 2004

"Nonvotes"
I've looked through the official results for the state of Florida and have found some a strange fact that no one else has either noticed or attempted to offer an explanation for. That fact is that voters who turned out but did not cast a vote for President are clearly more numerous on some machines, groups, and counties than others.
This anomaly becomes apparent even when sorting the vote by voting technology used, which only has two categories. I'll be referring to ballots cast without Presidential votes as "nonvotes." Let me know if there is a better word to describe them.

In the graph above, we can see that while touchscreen voting machines contributed 54% of the state's vote, they managed to contribute a much greater percentage of the state's nonvotes, 61%. There is more than a seven point spread between votes and nonvotes contributed. We can also see that optical scan voting machines performed in the reverse, contributing a lower percentage of the state's nonvotes than it contributed to the state's turnout.

In this graph we witness a distinct difference between the amount of voter turnout and nonvotes that Diebold's machines contributed to the statewide totals. While Diebold contributed more than 30% of the state's total turnout, it only contributed about 19% of the state's total nonvotes. Diebold's percentage of nonvotes contributed was only about 60% of what its total turnout contributed was. Diebold is the only manufacturer whose machines contributed less to the amount of nonvotes than to turnout.
The other two manufacturers, ES&S and Sequoia, exhibited a difference between themselves, as well. ES&S's percent nonvotes contributed to the state total was approximately 120% of its percent turnout contributed. Sequoia's nonvote contribution was about 112% of its percent turnout contribution.
Another calculation shows that 0.24% of the ballots Diebold counted included no vote for President. ES&S's and Sequoia's machines respectively returned 0.48% and 0.45% of ballots with no Presidential vote. This data is shown below, and is in my Excel spreadsheet, as well.
Vendor Vendor Turnout Sub-Total Vendor Nonvote Sub-Total Vendor's % Statewide Turnout Vendor's % Statewide Nonvotes Vendor's % Statewide Turnout - % Statewide Nonvotes
Diebold Election Systems 2,354,808 5,666 30.82% 18.57% 12.25%
Percent Nonvotes 0.24%
Election Systems and Software, Inc. (ES&S) 3,743,986 17,888 49.00% 58.63% -9.63%
Percent Nonvotes 0.48%
Sequoia Voting Systems, Inc. 1,541,525 6,955 20.18% 22.80% -2.62%
Percent Nonvotes 0.45%
The last comparison I was able to make of this kind was nonvotes and turnout categorized by machine model.

This graph shows us what we already knew in the second graph. The Accuvote-ES2001B is the only machine manufactured by Diebold in the state, and so its percent nonvotes and percent turnout contributed to the state totals will be the same as Diebold's numbers in the vendor comparison.
The new information contained in this graph is that behavior is mostly uniform among machines of the other two manufacturers. The AVC Edge, iVotronic, Model 100, and Optech 3P Eagle all contributed a higher percentage of the state's total nonvotes than they did to the state's total turnout.
More calculations reveal that ES&S's optical scan machines, the Model 100 and Optech 3P Eagle, were the only machines that counted more than 0.5% of their ballots as not having a vote for President. This data is below.
Model Model Turnout Sub-Total Model Nonvote Sub-Total Model's % Statewide Turnout Model's % Statewide Nonvotes Model's % Statewide Turnout - % Statewide Nonvotes Voting Tech's % Statewide Nonvotes as a % of Statewide Turnout
AccuVote-ES2001B 2,354,808 5,666 30.82% 18.57% 12.25% 60.26%
Percent Nonvotes 0.24%
AVC Edge 1,531,477 6,862 20.04% 22.49% -2.45% 112.21%
Percent Nonvotes 0.45%
iVotronic 2,590,145 11,855 33.90% 38.86% -4.96% 114.62%
Percent Nonvotes 0.46%
Model 100 364,622 1,894 4.77% 6.21% -1.44% 130.08%
Percent Nonvotes 0.52%
Optech 3P Eagle 799,267 4,232 10.46% 13.87% -3.41% 132.60%
Percent Nonvotes 0.53%
This is a list of some facts that I did not think needed to be supported by charts and graphs:
· The ten counties with the lowest percentage of nonvotes made use of Diebold Accuvote machines. All but one, Monroe County, voted for Bush. Monroe was Kerry's second narrowest win in Florida, as he edged out the President by only 0.47%.
· The ten counties with the highest percentage of nonvotes used optical scan machines. Eight were manufactured by ES&S, one by Diebold, and one by Sequoia. The machine manufactured by Sequioa, the Optech 3P Eagle, is the only such machine manufactured by Sequoia. All other Optech 3P Eagles in Florida were manufactured by ES&S. In these counties are both Bush's second greatest win and Kerry's narrowest victory. Bush won 78/22 in Baker county, which utilized the sole Optech 3P Eagle made by Sequoia and reported 0.93% of ballots as not having a Presidential vote. Kerry won by 0.21% in Orange county, which used Optech 3P Eagles manufactured by ES&S and 0.68% of ballots cast as not having a vote for President.
There are two more peculiarities that don't require much complex calculation at all to recognize.
The first is that Osceola county's turnout and Presidential votes are exactly the same. Osceola had 0 nonvotes. I thought perhaps that Osceola was a smaller county, as that could be a possible explanation for not even one person not casting a vote for President on their ballot, but it's not. Osceola county, in which 82,204 ballots were cast, accounted for 1.08% of Florida's total turnout. This is not a small number - the average (median) county in Florida accounted for only 0.55% of Florida's total turnout.
Osceola was the sole county whose turnout figures were updated on November 8 that still had a a turnout that was lower than the number of votes it reported cast for President. On that update, 82,178 votes were cast and 81,917 voters were reported to have turned out. 261 more votes were cast than voters were reported to have turned out. Osceola used Diebold Accuvote machines for its elections.
The second oddity is Volusia county. Volusia has the second smallest difference between its turnout and vote numbers, exceeded only by Osceola's difference of 0. 254 of the 229,193 ballots cast in Volusia county, 0.11%, were reported not to have included a vote for President. On its own, this would not be too strange, but Bev Harris of blackboxvoting.org just recently updated her site with an account of her experience in Volusia. Here is that account:
TUESDAY NOV 16 2004: Volusia County on lockdown
County election records just got put on lockdown
Dueling lawyers, election officials gnashing teeth, Votergate.tv film crew catching it all.
Here's what happened so far:
Friday Black Box Voting investigators Andy Stephenson and Kathleen Wynne popped in to ask for some records. They were rebuffed by an elections official named Denise. Bev Harris called on the cell phone from investigations in downstate Florida, and told Volusia County Elections Supervisor Deanie Lowe that Black Box Voting would be in to pick up the Nov. 2 Freedom of Information request, or would file for a hand recount. "No, Bev, please don't do that!" Lowe exclaimed. But this is the way it has to be, folks. Black Box Voting didn't back down.
Monday Bev, Andy and Kathleen came in with a film crew and asked for the FOIA request. Deanie Lowe gave it over with a smile, but Harris noticed that one item, the polling place tapes, were not copies of the real ones, but instead were new printouts, done on Nov. 15, and not signed by anyone.
Harris asked to see the real ones, and they said for "privacy" reasons they can't make copies of the signed ones. She insisted on at least viewing them (although refusing to give copies of the signatures is not legally defensible, according to Berkeley elections attorney, Lowell Finley). They said the real ones were in the County Elections warehouse. It was quittin' time and an arrangment was made to come back this morning to review them.
Lana Hires, a Volusia County employee who gained some notoriety in an election 2000 Diebold memo, where she asked for an explanation of minus 16,022 votes for Gore, so she wouldn't have to stand there "looking dumb" when the auditor came in, was particularly unhappy about seeing the Black Box Voting investigators in the office. She vigorously shook her head when Deanie Lowe suggested going to the warehouse.
Kathleen Wynne and Bev Harris showed up at the warehouse at 8:15 Tuesday morning, Nov. 16. There was Lana Hires looking especially gruff, yet surprised. She ordered them out. Well, they couldn't see why because there she was, with a couple other people, handling the original poll tapes. You know, the ones with the signatures on them. Harris and Wynne stepped out and Volusia County officials promptly shut the door.
There was a trash bag on the porch outside the door. Harris looked into it and what do you know, but there were poll tapes in there. They came out and glared at Harris and Wynne, who drove away a small bit, and then videotaped the license plates of the two vehicles marked 'City Council' member. Others came out to glare and soon all doors were slammed.
So, Harris and Wynne went and parked behind a bus to see what they would do next. They pulled out some large pylons, which blocked the door. Harris decided to go look at the garbage some more while Wynne videotaped. A man who identified himself as "Pete" came out and Harris immediately wrote a public records request for the contents of the garbage bag, which also contained ballots -- real ones, but not filled out.
A brief tug of war occurred, tearing the garbage bag open. Harris and Wynne then looked through it, as Pete looked on. He was quite friendly.
Black Box Voting collected various poll tapes and other information and asked if they could copy it, for the public records request. "You won't be going anywhere," said Pete. "The deputy is on his way."
Yes, not one but two police cars came up and then two county elections officials, and everyone stood around discussing the merits of the "black bag" public records request.
The police finally let Harris and Wynne go, about the time the Votergate.tv film crew arrived, and everyone trooped off to the elections office. There, the plot thickened.
Black Box Voting began to compare the special printouts given in the FOIA request with the signed polling tapes from election night. Lo and behold, some were missing. By this time, Black Box Voting investigator Andy Stephenson had joined the group at Volusia County. Some polling place tapes didn't match. In fact, in one location, precinct 215, an African-American precinct, the votes were off by hundreds, in favor of George W. Bush and other Republicans.
Hmm. Which was right? The polling tape Volusia gave to Black Box Voting, specially printed on Nov. 15, without signatures, or the ones with signatures, printed on Nov. 2, with up to 8 signatures per tape?
Well, then it became even more interesting. A Volusia employee boxed up some items from an office containing Lana Hires' desk, which appeared to contain -- you guessed it -- polling place tapes. The employee took them to the back of the building and disappeared.
Then, Ellen B., a voting integrity advocate from Broward County, Florida, and Susan, from Volusia, decided now would be a good time to go through the trash at the elections office. Lo and behold, they found all kinds of memos and some polling place tapes, fresh from Volusia elections office.
So, Black Box Voting compared these with the Nov. 2 signed ones and the "special' ones from Nov. 15 given, unsigned, finding several of the MISSING poll tapes. There they were: In the garbage.
So, Wynne went to the car and got the polling place tapes she had pulled from the warehouse garbage. My my my. There were not only discrepancies, but a polling place tape that was signed by six officials.
This was a bit disturbing, since the employees there had said that bag was destined for the shredder.
By now, a county lawyer had appeared on the scene, suddenly threatening to charge Black Box Voting extra for the time spent looking at the real stuff Volusia had withheld earlier. Other lawyers appeared, phoned, people had meetings, Lana glowered at everyone, and someone shut the door in the office holding the GEMS server.
Black Box Voting investigator Andy Stephenson then went to get the Diebold "GEMS" central server locked down. He also got the memory cards locked down and secured, much to the dismay of Lana. They were scattered around unsecured in any way before that.
Everyone agreed to convene tomorrow morning, to further audit, discuss the hand count that Black Box Voting will require of Volusia County, and of course, it is time to talk about contesting the election in Volusia.
# # # # #
I don't endorse Bev Harris's account as the truth, because it is rather sensationalist and accusatory. However, it did cause my interest to pique when I saw that Volusia county was so far from the norm.
I believe that what I've shown here furthers the argument that there are unexplainable differences between optical scan and touch screen voting machines. Prior evidence invoked Bush and Kerry, and could be easily explained away by stating that poorer, more rural counties tend to utilize optical scan machines, and those rural communities favor conservatives like Bush. I don't know of any evidence that rural voters are less likely to fill out a ballot and not vote for President than any other voters, though.
You may download my Excel spreadsheets by clicking here.
You may view my Excel spreadsheets online (IE or Safari required) here.
posted by Brandon Adams @ 7:03 PM 0 comments
Wednesday, November 10, 2004

Impeded in my efforts
I've been trying to assemble a massive list of results from all counties in all the states in America, but have been impeded either by lack of such information on state's websites or by cumbersome page layouts that prevents me from easily importing the information into Excel.

If anyone reading knows of a place that has what I'm looking for, please let me know. I need to be able to compare Florida to other states in order to demonstrate that what I've found is not only strange, but that it is also unique.
posted by Brandon Adams @ 9:46 PM 4 comments

David Cobb pushing for recount in Ohio
I've looked through the official results for the state of Florida and have found some a strange fact that no one else has either noticed or attempted to offer an explanation for. That fact is that voters who turned out but did not cast a vote for President are clearly more numerous on some machines, groups, and counties than others.
This anomaly becomes apparent even when sorting the vote by voting technology used, which only has two categories. I'll be referring to ballots cast without Presidential votes as "nonvotes." Let me know if there is a better word to describe them.

In the graph above, we can see that while touchscreen voting machines contributed 54% of the state's vote, they managed to contribute a much greater percentage of the state's nonvotes, 61%. There is more than a seven point spread between votes and nonvotes contributed. We can also see that optical scan voting machines performed in the reverse, contributing a lower percentage of the state's nonvotes than it contributed to the state's turnout.

In this graph we witness a distinct difference between the amount of voter turnout and nonvotes that Diebold's machines contributed to the statewide totals. While Diebold contributed more than 30% of the state's total turnout, it only contributed about 19% of the state's total nonvotes. Diebold's percentage of nonvotes contributed was only about 60% of what its total turnout contributed was. Diebold is the only manufacturer whose machines contributed less to the amount of nonvotes than to turnout.
The other two manufacturers, ES&S and Sequoia, exhibited a difference between themselves, as well. ES&S's percent nonvotes contributed to the state total was approximately 120% of its percent turnout contributed. Sequoia's nonvote contribution was about 112% of its percent turnout contribution.
Another calculation shows that 0.24% of the ballots Diebold counted included no vote for President. ES&S's and Sequoia's machines respectively returned 0.48% and 0.45% of ballots with no Presidential vote. This data is shown below, and is in my Excel spreadsheet, as well.
Vendor Vendor Turnout Sub-Total Vendor Nonvote Sub-Total Vendor's % Statewide Turnout Vendor's % Statewide Nonvotes Vendor's % Statewide Turnout - % Statewide Nonvotes
Diebold Election Systems 2,354,808 5,666 30.82% 18.57% 12.25%

Percent Nonvotes 0.24%



Election Systems and Software, Inc. (ES&S) 3,743,986 17,888 49.00% 58.63% -9.63%

Percent Nonvotes 0.48%



Sequoia Voting Systems, Inc. 1,541,525 6,955 20.18% 22.80% -2.62%

Percent Nonvotes 0.45%



The last comparison I was able to make of this kind was nonvotes and turnout categorized by machine model.

This graph shows us what we already knew in the second graph. The Accuvote-ES2001B is the only machine manufactured by Diebold in the state, and so its percent nonvotes and percent turnout contributed to the state totals will be the same as Diebold's numbers in the vendor comparison.
The new information contained in this graph is that behavior is mostly uniform among machines of the other two manufacturers. The AVC Edge, iVotronic, Model 100, and Optech 3P Eagle all contributed a higher percentage of the state's total nonvotes than they did to the state's total turnout.
More calculations reveal that ES&S's optical scan machines, the Model 100 and Optech 3P Eagle, were the only machines that counted more than 0.5% of their ballots as not having a vote for President. This data is below.
Model Model Turnout Sub-Total Model Nonvote Sub-Total Model's % Statewide Turnout Model's % Statewide Nonvotes Model's % Statewide Turnout - % Statewide Nonvotes Voting Tech's % Statewide Nonvotes as a % of Statewide Turnout
AccuVote-ES2001B 2,354,808 5,666 30.82% 18.57% 12.25% 60.26%

Percent Nonvotes 0.24%




AVC Edge 1,531,477 6,862 20.04% 22.49% -2.45% 112.21%

Percent Nonvotes 0.45%




iVotronic 2,590,145 11,855 33.90% 38.86% -4.96% 114.62%

Percent Nonvotes 0.46%




Model 100 364,622 1,894 4.77% 6.21% -1.44% 130.08%

Percent Nonvotes 0.52%




Optech 3P Eagle 799,267 4,232 10.46% 13.87% -3.41% 132.60%

Percent Nonvotes 0.53%




This is a list of some facts that I did not think needed to be supported by charts and graphs:
· The ten counties with the lowest percentage of nonvotes made use of Diebold Accuvote machines. All but one, Monroe County, voted for Bush. Monroe was Kerry's second narrowest win in Florida, as he edged out the President by only 0.47%.
· The ten counties with the highest percentage of nonvotes used optical scan machines. Eight were manufactured by ES&S, one by Diebold, and one by Sequoia. The machine manufactured by Sequioa, the Optech 3P Eagle, is the only such machine manufactured by Sequoia. All other Optech 3P Eagles in Florida were manufactured by ES&S. In these counties are both Bush's second greatest win and Kerry's narrowest victory. Bush won 78/22 in Baker county, which utilized the sole Optech 3P Eagle made by Sequoia and reported 0.93% of ballots as not having a Presidential vote. Kerry won by 0.21% in Orange county, which used Optech 3P Eagles manufactured by ES&S and 0.68% of ballots cast as not having a vote for President.
There are two more peculiarities that don't require much complex calculation at all to recognize.
The first is that Osceola county's turnout and Presidential votes are exactly the same. Osceola had 0 nonvotes. I thought perhaps that Osceola was a smaller county, as that could be a possible explanation for not even one person not casting a vote for President on their ballot, but it's not. Osceola county, in which 82,204 ballots were cast, accounted for 1.08% of Florida's total turnout. This is not a small number - the average (median) county in Florida accounted for only 0.55% of Florida's total turnout.
Osceola was the sole county whose turnout figures were updated on November 8 that still had a a turnout that was lower than the number of votes it reported cast for President. On that update, 82,178 votes were cast and 81,917 voters were reported to have turned out. 261 more votes were cast than voters were reported to have turned out. Osceola used Diebold Accuvote machines for its elections.
The second oddity is Volusia county. Volusia has the second smallest difference between its turnout and vote numbers, exceeded only by Osceola's difference of 0. 254 of the 229,193 ballots cast in Volusia county, 0.11%, were reported not to have included a vote for President. On its own, this would not be too strange, but Bev Harris of blackboxvoting.org just recently updated her site with an account of her experience in Volusia. Here is that account

item 8:

dopp is at uselections or something like that above.

[berniew1]

2. The conclusion at beginning isn't supported by the post???

They concluded that nothing was awry, and in fact, went so far as to title the article "No flaw in Bush's state win." ?????????

Her orignial analysis was badly flawed. They had it all wrong. The problem was documented to be in the touchscreen counties by the Univ. researcher studies and mine; www.flcv.com/kerrywon.html
http://www.flcv.com/fraudpat.html

much of the info you posted was posted by me, and supports the opposite of what the conclusion you start with says- namely that the evidence indicates Kerry likely won Florida. And although
the biggest problems were in the big touchscreen counties, there have also been significant problems found in non-TS counties also.
As part of your post shows; and the above URL shows

[Chi]

4. chomskysright is quoting an article that agrees with you....

=================================================================
155446> Tue Nov-30-04 02:09 AM Original message
Miami Herald article shows that Kerry may have won Florida!
Edited on Tue Nov-30-04 02:18 AM by pointsoflight
In an article published yesterday, reporters from the Miami Herald provided data from hand counts that they conducted in several northern "dixiecrat" counties in Florida. They concluded that nothing was awry, and in fact, went so far as to title the article "No flaw in Bush's state win." Here's a link to a reprint of the story that doesn't require registration:
==================================================================
http://neworleans.indymedia.org/news/2004/11/2545.php

I thought it was chomskysright's summation at first too.

[garybeck]

11. it's confusing, the article concludes nothing went wrong

but inside the article if you look at the numbers, it's clear something did go wrong. but it doesn't state that explicitly, you have to figure it out yourself.

[berniew1]

7. There was flagrant fraud in Osceola County- too bad no one there to look

into it? I think it would be easy to document if someone had the time and looked at the public records, talked to a few people.

[bailey77]

3. The precinct locations, along with machine assignments by serial#

were requested by Black Box Voting, and deposit was paid for these last week. They will be posted on the Web when received, but you'll probably get the info you're looking for first. If you haven't gotten the information soon, you'll be able to snag it in a couple weeks at http://www.blackboxvoting.org.

[Chi]

5. Heh...just spent an hour looking for that...

I could only come up with a total of precincts, which was 795.
http://election.dos.state.fl.us/reports/pdf/PollingPlaceAccess.pdf
(PDF page 52)

Thought for sure I could find it....should have known they would keep it under wraps.

Thanx for putting a halt to my obsession to find it 8)

[FogerRox]

6. In Ft Lauderdale they have a county center--I got a map of the broward Pr

Precints for my office--20 bucks. I had a list of Precint voting addresses but that stuff got thrown out on Nov.3rd when cleaning the office.

Try Voter protection--I know they tons of folks in Broward.

[Chi]

8. Thanks...

Thanks for the response!
It appears Bailey77 and BBV have it covered for Berniew1.

If for any reason you didnt throw it away, or you know someone else who has one, I'm sure Bernie would appreciate you posting it so he doesnt have to wait on BBV.

[berniew1]

9. Why would it be so hard to find precinct locations in a major county??

Perhaps the county SOS wants to make it hard to look at their data;
which had the most problems of any in the country.

[Chi]

12. Couple that with Mitofski refusal to release

actual precinct numbers and the interesting trend for lost poll books/or lack of access to them in problem counties (NH and OH), and the near impossibility that the exit poll errors could be random, and the back door access to tabulators, and.....

Nahhhh....must be coincidence.

Or maybe I ate too many shrooms, and this is all an hallucination, I don't know anymore. ;)

[berniew1]

10. I've been waiting on BBV for over 3 months now, and nothing so far??

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13. response from Pedro on his and Ellen's ouster at Broward test

As far as I know, all the statements from DU are accurate. I would add that when the Broward Sheriff’s Office (BSO) deputy ordered Ellen Brodsky and me out of the room and then demanded identification, the documentary crew had their cameras rolling, and we were allowed back into the room. After the video crew drove away, while I was writing down Broward SOE Gisela Sale’s contact information, the BSO deputy ordered me to leave. Rather than waiting for me to finish writing the contact information as I had suggested, he grabbed me by the arm and physically removed me from the building. I do not understand why I had to be forcibly removed, and with such urgency no less.



I would also add that it appeared that the decision to call BSO was made by Dr Snipes’ assistant. I do not know if Dr Snipes played a role in that.



Regarding the Logic and Accuracy testing, a test performed by dozens of voters is not adequate for assuring the accuracy of a regular election with thousands of voters, where many more votes are cast. The November 2004 amendment 4 vote, where the Broward ES&S machines subtracted vote totals that exceeded thirty-two thousand, has proven that this L&A method does not provide assurance. Even a first semester programming student could write software that would count votes differently based on how many votes are cast.



Without a human-readable paper trail, false votes cannot be detected. Moreover, without open-source software, such errors or fraud are harder to prevent or detect. Both factors are essential for enabling public trust in computer voting machines.



You can use my name. For the record, I have an Electrical Engineering degree and a master’s degree in Computer Engineering.




Pedro