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In response to a CubaNews discussion about freedom of expression in Cuba, Simon McGuinness suggested that folks read the testimony of Cuba's Agent Octavio (Nestor Baguer)who broke the case of the undercover agents working for the USA in Cuba in 2003. if you haven't seen this before it is fascinating reading. magbana Posted by: "simonmcguinness1" simonmcguinness@oceanfree.net simonmcguinness1 Tue Mar 31, 2009 3:01 pm (PDT) The term "Black Spring" was invented to describe the darkness which descended on the US intelligence operation in Cuba after the sting operation that took out the entire network of undercover agents working for the USA in Cuba. The operation had been infiltrated at the top level by the late Nester Baguer, aka Agent Octavio of Cuban intelligence. His testomy has been published and is available in translation at: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CubaNews/message/87465 (posted below) A forthcoming film by Irish film maker, Bernie Dwyer, will tell the story. We hope to be able to host the world premier in Dublin later this year. Simon McGuinness Ireland. "Nestor Baguer and the CIA’s “Black Spring” Simon McGuinness, 30 June 2008 The late Nestor Baguer was chairman of the Cuban Independent Press Association and one of the most celebrated journalist in Cuba. For most of his professional life he was internationally regarded as the most high profile “dissident journalist” in Cuba and was promoted by virtually every US media outlet as a reliable source. But Baguer had a deeper profile: one who’s impact resonates to this day everywhere the CIA seek to control the truth about Cuba. Nester Baguer was agent “Octavio” of the Cuban security service from 1960 almost up until his death on 15 October 2004 His 2003 testimony to a Cuban court, part of which is reproduced below, was instrumental in convicting 75 agents of the United States operating on Cuban territory of terrorist related crimes in, what the CIA call, the “Black Spring” sting operation mounted by the Cuban security service. The CIA were left entirely blinded by the Cuban sting operation and have still not managed to rebuild their spy network within Cuba. Cuba sacrificed some of its most important security assists in the process, indicating the importance of the US spy network uncovered. Baguer himself had dedicated over 40 years of his life to establishing his cover. Below is the official transcript of Baguer’s videoed testimony to the court which was provided to western journalists at a press conference held by the Foreign Minister, Felipe Peres Roque, in Havana on 9 April 2003. Not one mainstream western media outlet correctly reported the event in 2003. Not one has corrected its false reportage since. Indeed, their mis-reporting lead directly to the imposition of sanctions against Cuba by an outraged EU, sanctions which the EU is desperately trying to lift, but finds itself unable to, due mainly to the veto power of the Czech Republic on matters of established foreign policy. The foreign minister of the Czech Republic, Karl Johannes von Schwarzenberg, (aka His Highness The Prince of Schwarzenberg, Count of Sulz, Princely Landgrave in Klettgau and Duke of Krummau), who wields the veto, is widely believed to be a US asset. Right wing US journalist, Matt Welch, who was assistant editor at the Los Angeles Times in 2003, describes “my pal Nestor Baguer“ as “one of the most convincing and compelling dissidents I have ever met” and “head of the oldest independent media organization in the country, the Independent Press Agency of Cuba (APIC)”. According to his own website, “Before 1998, lived for eight years
in Central Europe, where he co-founded the region's first post-communist
English-language newspaper, Prognosis, worked as UPI's Slovakia
correspondent and managed the Budapest Business Journal”
In some countries it might be a crime to out Welch as a highly placed
CIA agent who’s function is to be what the US State Department
euphemistically call a “message multiplier”, so I won’t do that.
Welch claimed in a 2005 article “Cuba Spring, or Trap?”
http://www.reason.com/news/show/34043.html. to be grief-struck, not at
the death of his pal Nestor, but at the fact that his pal was actually a
double-agent working for Cuban state security. In fact, two years on
form the event, he still admitted to being in denial over it.
It is, however, worth reading Welch’s article just to get an insight
into quite how devastating the Cuban sting operation was to the CIA.
Of course, there were many more victims of the catastrophic failure of
western journalism in 2003 than the fifty-odd Cubans still serving long
sentences in jail for their complicity with anti-Cuban terrorism (a
terrorism that killed more people than the IRA did in the same period),
but at least in the case of Iraq, the mainstream media accepts that it
was wrong.
It still has is some considerable way to go on Cuba.
Prosecutor. Tell us your name, where you live, and what you do.
Nestor Baguer. With pleasure.
My name is Nestor Baguer Sanchez Galarraga. I live in Centre Habana. I
am a journalist by profession; but in addition, since 1960, I have
worked for the state security services.
‘
Prosecutor. What is your name in the state security services?
Nestor Baguer. Octavio.
Prosecutor. Octavio. Let's call him Octavio.
Now, Nestor, would you be so kind as to tell us about the origins of the
Independent Press Association, if you have been associated with this
kind of activity.
Nestor Baguer. This was suggested to me by counterrevolutionary
individuals, because they needed a journalist, first of all. But I took
it on as a job to do for the state security services, so that, instead
of falling into the hands of those who were going to do a lot of harm, I
could try to minimize this harm.
Prosecutor. And it helped you to receive information, and led people to
come to you who were interested in giving information to the enemy?
Nestor Baguer. Precisely.
Prosecutor. How did it work? How is this kind of information passed
abroad?
Nestor Baguer. A first point: the people who first got me involved were
the US Interests Section. I didn't know anyone there and one of them
called me, invited me to go and talk to them and showed great interest;
they said they'd support me in every way so I could get the job done.
Right after that, the journalists arrived. Well I say journalists, but
of the 30 or 40 who turned up, only two were actually journalists. I was
one and there was one other; of the rest, no-one. Because I can tell you
that of the 100 and more people who call themselves independent
journalists, there are no more than five or six professionals. The rest
are mercenaries paid to slander, because they tell lies, insult, show
disrespect for our head of state and our government. They're not
journalists, they're information terrorists.
Prosecutor. When they cook up this information, who do they send it to?
Nestor Baguer. They send it to me, and then I - as I've got the phone
connections, direct lines - I used to talk directly to Radio Marti; but
then they come from the US, Cuban counterrevolutionaries who set up
agencies to help those of us here in Cuba.
Prosecutor. What sort of agencies are these? Do you remember the names
of any of these agencies?
Nestor Baguer. Certainly. There was CUBANET, Cuba Press
- they started springing up like mushrooms.
Prosecutor. Nestor you used the word "mercenaries".
Nestor Baguer. Yes.
Prosecutor. Meaning that someone was paying them.
Nestor Baguer. Of course.
Prosecutor. How were these payments made?
Nestor Baguer. I'll explain it to you. They - the US administration -
hand over millions: I've got the figures and I can prove it. For
instance, CUBANET gets about 2 or 3 million dollars for those working
for them. For instance, my agency worked for CUBANET.
Prosecutor. What means did they use to send the money?
Nestor Baguer. For instance, the majority use Transcard. There are some,
when the amount involved is a rather large, which they send by mail,
they call them couriers. The embassy hands out a lot of things -
presents, you know, lots of parties, lots of little attentions - plastic
bags arrive with pocket radios tuned to Radio Marti, with tape
recorders, cameras. Basically everything you need for your work. You go
there on the days when they're receiving visitors and they give you a
party, then they show you into a room with hundreds of carrier bags full
of all these presents so you can choose what you want - not just one or
two, you can take whatever you want. And what happens? Some people take
eight or ten of the bags because these little radios are special,
they're very good radios, and they sell them for $20 each. They keep one
and sell the rest. The same thing with the cassette players: to have a
tape recorder today is a good business, because then they sell it
straight away.
Prosecutor. Now when you go to the US Interests Section, do they give
you some sort of indication of what you should be doing here?
Nestor Baguer. They tell you what subjects to deal with. "You should
write about this, you should write about the food shortage, about the
blackouts, about the transport situation, the lack of medicines, the
treatment in the hospitals, the treatment in the prisons". In other
words, they tell you what subjects they're interested in - not what
Cuba's interested in, but what they want published abroad.
Prosecutor. Which officials in the US Interests Section did you mainly
have contact with?
Nestor Baguer. It's always with the head of the Press and Propaganda
section; the head and his Number Two. They're the ones who deal with
such matters.
Prosecutor. As far as the money they pay you is concerned, as you were
saying a few minutes ago. When it has come by different routes, are
there discrepancies between the different members of the group because
of losses, disappearances, share-outs of the money?
Nestor Baguer. Not just discrepancies. There have been thefts, they
steal from each other. There are journalists who've worked six months
without getting a penny, then when they look into it, it turns out the
money was sent to Cuba by the agency, but because it's almost always
addressed to the leader of the group, he takes it for himself. There was
a case just recently, someone kept six months' money sent for all the
journalists.
Prosecutor. Which case was that?
Nestor Baguer. A self-styled journalist called Jorge Olivera. He kept
the money sent for the people working for him over a period of six
months.
Prosecutor. Nestor, if you can, we would like you to tell us who are the
main officials at the US Interests Section who you've dealt with during
these activities.
Nestor Baguer. Yes. The first was Kozack, then Vicky and then Cason, the
one who's there now. And then, naturally, with the people in Press and
Propaganda. They've put Gallegos there now; before, there were several,
Beagle for example. Dozens of them, because the turnover there is pretty
fast. So I've dealt with quite a few, including women - one called Mary
who was married to an Argentinean and spoke perfect Spanish. In other
words, I've had dealings with all the people who've passed through that
Section.
Prosecutor. And to get access to the section, how did you... ?
Nestor Baguer. You have to ask for a pass. They give you a pass for a
set day and time. But mine is a special one, they call it an open pass.
That means I can go there any day, any time.
Prosecutor. What are the main activities these officials arrange with
you, that they get involved in? Or rather, what are the various kinds of
activity they arrange with journalists like yourself?
Nestor Baguer. Whenever there's an event attended by Cubans, they all
come. They all come and bring their wives. Because what they want is to
talk to as many Cubans as possible, to see who they can get on board.
"Listen, what about the prices in the shops, at the market? Are there
shortages or what?"
Prosecutor. When you go to the section office, do you get the chance to
do any kind of journalistic work there, or get access to information?
Nestor Baguer. Well, there's the Internet Room, full of computers, and
you can use them. For example, I can use them without having to book a
slot. That's what the Cuban journalists have to do; they give them a
two-hour slot on a specific day.
Prosecutor This room you've told us about, do you have the possibility
of taking any publications from there?
Nestor Baguer. They always send me the publications; they send them to
my home. All the publications that arrive there — newspapers, magazines
— they send them to my home.
Prosecutor. Were you there at an event on March 14?
Nestor Baguer. Yes
Prosecutor. What was the aim of that event, and where was it held
exactly?
Nestor Baguer. It was in the dining room at Mr. Cason's residence, in
his home, that is. Then it split up; we were split into three groups:
one, the journalism ethics group, was chaired by me; another dealt with
contacts and relations with the foreign press; the third also discussed
the subjects to be worked on and those questions.
I got the ethics group at the request of the Americans themselves; but
you can image, I ... France Press was there, Spanish TV was there, so
was German TV. There were about five of these channels /laughter/
Prosecutor. Can you tell us anything about Raul Rivero and his
involvement in activities of this kind?
Nestor Baguer. He's an alcoholic, and alcoholism has pushed him over the
edge. He made a scene at UPEC and at UNEAC, shouting obscenities, and
got himself banned from everywhere. So he went to pieces, and started
sending poems and stuff abroad to earn a living. And then when he saw
that journalism had changed, was deceitful, but made money, he got onto
his old comrades in UNEAC and UPEC in exile, because they were all
traitors, and used his friendship with them to get somewhere to write.
So these people got in touch with the American journalists and got him
work with the Miami Herald, which is the most conservative paper in
South Florida and, of course, paid very well.
Later, they put him in touch with the US press association, which all
the American press barons belong to - - it's called the Inter-American
Press Association (IAPA/SIP) - - and with their influence and that of
the Miami mafia they managed to get Raul appointed Caribbean
Vice-President of the Association, of course getting the salary of a
vice-president of an American concern.
Prosecutor. Do they pay Raul for the information he offers?
Nestor Baguer. Of course. And very well-paid he is.
Prosecutor. How does that work?
Nestor Baguer. They pay him in the US, the money goes to his daughter
who lives in the United States.
Prosecutor. What can you tell us about Ricardo?
Nestor Baguer. Ricardo latched onto Raul, because Ricardo is no
journalist nor anything like one. He latched onto Raul. Raul's situation
was that he was separated from all his friends. Who were his friends?
The UPEC journalists and the UNEAC writers. So he was without friends.
The only friend he had left was me, if you follow, and as we didn't
think the same way - we didn't quarrel, but we didn't think the same way
— months would go by without seeing each other— so he turned to this one
who practically pushed him aside. Then he offered his house in Miramar
to set up an editing center there with everything — / mean all the
electronic equipment and he's got three salaried staff working there; so
just about everything you need, and he handed it over to Raul. Then Raul
set up the Marquez Sterling company with himself in charge; I mean, he's
the one who runs things, while the other one is just a figurehead, there
just for the sake of image.
Prosecutor. The other one is Ricardo, yes?
Nestor Baguer. The other one is Ricardo. He's the figurehead, the
front-man, but he's nobody, he's nobody.
Prosecutor. Does Ricardo have any connections with the US
administration, with the Interests Section?
Nestor Baguer. Yes, of course. He's the chairman of Marquez Sterling,
that's where the connection is.
Prosecutor. And with some elements based in Miami? Does either of them
have connections there?
Nestor Baguer. Well, Raul does. As far as Ricardo's concerned, I don't
know, because I don't know much about his background. I met him for the
first time four or five months ago. Raul yes, all the poets who've left,
all the writers who've left, they're all friends of his, all of them,
because they were buddies at UNEAC for years and years; drinking
companions, went out on the binge together and that sort of thing.
They're close fiends, he has lots. All the Cuban poets in exile, all of
them are friends of Raul.
Prosecutor. Do you know who Frank Calzon is?
Nestor Baguer. Yes, of course.
Prosecutor. Did either of these men have dealings with Frank Calzon,
that you know of?
Nestor Baguer. Both Ricardo and the Fat Man (I mean Raul), because Frank
Calzon knows all of us. Since he left the agency, I've had no further
contact with him. I've got his phone number and all that, but I've never
had the need...
Prosecutor. What can you tell us about Frank Calzon?
Nestor Baguer. Well, in the first place he's not a journalist. He's an
old-CIA agent; he has worked for the CIA for years.
###
Simon McGuinness is coordinator of Cuba Support Group Ireland,
www.cubasupportgroup.com.
Extract reproduced from a volume entitled “We are not prepared to
renounce our sovereignty” published in Havana by Editora Política in
2003, ISBN 959-01-0522-X. It was also contemporaneously published on
line by the Cuban Foreign Ministry and is currently available at
http://www.canadiannetworkoncuba.ca/Documents/Roque-Dissidents-Apr03.sht
ml.
"
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