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Related: Editorials & Other Articles, Issue Forums, Alliance Forums, Region ForumsAmerican Christianity's White-Supremacy Problem
Early on in Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, the first of three autobiographies Douglass wrote over his lifetime, he recounts what happenedor, perhaps more accurately, what didnt happenafter his master, Thomas Auld, became a Christian believer at a Methodist camp meeting. Douglass had harbored the hope that Aulds conversion, in August, 1832, might lead him to emancipate his slaves, or at least make him more kind and humane. Instead, Douglass writes, If it had any effect on his character, it made him more cruel and hateful in all his ways. Auld was ostentatious about his pietypraying morning, noon, and night, participating in revivals, and opening his home to travelling preachersbut he used his faith as license to inflict pain and suffering upon his slaves. I have seen him tie up a lame young woman, and whip her with a heavy cowskin upon her naked shoulders, causing the warm red blood to drip; and, in justification of the bloody deed, he would quote this passage of ScriptureHe that knoweth his masters will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many stripes, Douglass writes. Douglass is so scornful about Christianity in his memoir that he felt a need to append an explanation clarifying that he was not an opponent of all religion. In fact, he argued that what he had written about was not Christianity proper, and labelling it as such would be the boldest of all frauds. Douglass believed that the widest possible difference existed between the slaveholding religion of this land and the pure, peaceable, and impartial Christianity of Christ.
Yet, a hundred twenty-five years after Douglasss death, the American church is still struggling to eradicate the legacy of the slaveholding religion he loathed. In a 2019 nationwide survey, eighty-six per cent of white evangelical Protestants and seventy per cent of both white mainline Protestants and white Catholics said that the Confederate flag is more a symbol of Southern pride than of racism; nearly two-thirds of white Christians over all said that killings of African-American men by the police are isolated incidents rather than part of a broader pattern of mistreatment; and more than six in ten white Christians disagreed with the statement that generations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for blacks to work their way out of the lower class. In his new book, White Too Long (Simon & Schuster), Robert P. Jones, the head of the Public Religion Research Institute, a nonpartisan polling and research organization, marshals this and other data to lay out a startling case that the more racist attitudes a person holds, the more likely he or she is to identify as a white Christian. The correlation is just as pronounced among white evangelical Protestants as it is among white mainline Protestants and white Catholicsand stands in stark contrast to the attitudes of religiously unaffiliated whites. Joness findings make for some wrenching inferences. If you were recruiting for a white supremacist cause on a Sunday morning, youd likely have more success hanging out in the parking lot of an average white Christian churchevangelical Protestant, mainline Protestant, or Catholicthan approaching whites sitting out services at the local coffee shop, he writes.
Much has been made of white evangelicals support for Donald Trump in the 2016 election. (According to exit polls, eighty-one per cent of white evangelical Protestants voted for him.) Less attention has been paid to the fact that sizable majorities of white Catholics (sixty-four per cent) and white mainline Protestants (fifty-seven per cent) also backed him. In November, President Trump will once again be reliant upon the white Christian vote if he hopes to defeat his Democratic opponent, former Vice-President Joe Biden. Trumps racism has defined his Presidencydriving his exclusionary immigration policies, his Twitter tirades, his reluctance to condemn white-nationalist protesters in Charlottesville, and his scapegoating of China for the coronavirus pandemic. Yet polls show that most white Christians continue to approve of his job performance. It is a perplexing, distressing trend, one that may be irrevocably damaging to the church, as increasing numbers of people, particularly millennials, leave Christianity. In December, when Mark Galli, who was then the editor-in-chief of Christianity Today, the flagship publication of evangelicalism, wrote an editorial calling for Trump to be removed from office, he urged Christians to consider how their support of Trump influenced their witnessthe degree to which their lives point to the example of Jesus Christ. Consider what an unbelieving world will say if you continue to brush off Mr. Trumps immoral words and behavior in the cause of political expediency, he wrote. If we dont reverse course now, will anyone take anything we say about justice and righteousness with any seriousness for decades to come?
In some sense, Trumps Presidency has merely given modern form to racist attitudes that have long festered in American Christianity. In his book The Color of Compromise (Zondervan), published last year, the historian Jemar Tisby traces the revivalist origins of evangelicalism in America, and notes how the movements emphasis on individual conversion and piety constrained its social vision. The evangelist George Whitefield, who was instrumental in the Great Awakening, in the early eighteenth century, condemned the cruelty of slaveowners but campaigned for slaverys legalization in the colony of Georgia. The theologian Jonathan Edwards pressed for the evangelization of the enslaved but owned several slaves; he believed the practice could be countenanced as long as they were treated humanely. Within this evangelical framework, one could adopt an evangelical expression of Christianity yet remain uncompelled to confront institutional injustice, Tisby writes.
https://www.newyorker.com/books/under-review/american-christianitys-white-supremacy-problem?utm_source=nl&utm_brand=spotlight-nl&utm_campaign=aud-dev&utm_mailing=thematic_spotlight_090420&utm_medium=email&bxid=5be9f8cb24c17c6adf0e5d24&cndid=25394153&esrc=Thematic%20Business&sourcecode=thematic_spotlight&utm_term=Thematic_Spotlight
Maru Kitteh
(28,340 posts)have not deleted my Facebook. People I care about need to read this. I post very infrequently, and I choose items very carefully.
So thank you.
keithbvadu2
(36,806 posts)Slave Bible From The 1800s Omitted Key Passages That Could Incite Rebellion
https://www.npr.org/2018/12/09/674995075/slave-bible-from-the-1800s-omitted-key-passages-that-could-incite-rebellion
Celerity
(43,365 posts)ck4829
(35,076 posts)octoberlib
(14,971 posts)a lot of research done on the fact that present day white evangelicals are one of the most bigoted, authoritarian groups in North America . A Canadian researcher wrote an article back in 2006 that they were a danger to democracy.
dalton99a
(81,486 posts)McCaulley asserts that an unapologetically Black and orthodox reading of the Bible can speak to Black Christians today. Left unsaid is that it can also speak powerfully to white Christians. In his book, McCaulley outlines a theology of policing, political witness, Black identity and anger, and justice. On policing, for example, many white Christians focus on the opening verses in Romans 13, when the Apostle Paul urges people to submit themselves to the governing authorities because they have been instituted by God. But McCaulley traces the logic of the next two verses, when Paul writes, Rulers are not a terror to good conduct, but to bad. Do you wish to have no fear of the authority? Then do what is good, and you will receive its approval. McCaulley argues that, while Paul states that the rulers are not a terror, he is also articulating an ideal, one that can undergird a Christian approach to the problem of police violence. Paul recognizes that the state has a tremendous influence on how the soldier/officer treats its citizens, McCaulley writes. This is grounds in a democracy for a structural advocacy on behalf of the powerless. McCaulley also dwells on Jesus call in the Beatitudes for his people to be peacemakers. Biblical peacemaking involves resolving conflicts between nations and individuals, so it must necessarily involve making a judgment about who is correct and who is incorrect, McCaulley writes. A false choice between calling out injustice and preaching the Gospel has burdened American Christianity. Through our efforts to bring peace we show the world the kind of king and kingdom we represent, McCaulley writes. The outcome of our peacemaking is to introduce people to the kingdom.
In the end, however, ameliorating the theology of white Christianity is likely inadequate. In Taking America Back for God (Oxford), published earlier this year, the sociologists Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry examine racist and xenophobic attitudes among white Christians through the lens of a distinct set of cultural beliefsmost notably, the idea that America is, and should be, a Christian nation. They find that this collection of cultural markers, which they call Christian nationalism, was a better predictor of support for Trump in the 2016 election than economic discontent, religious affiliation, sexism, or any number of other variables. The defining concern of Christian nationalism is the preservation of a certain kind of social order, one threatened by people of color, immigrants, and Muslims. Crucially, Whitehead and Perry find that Christian nationalism is not the same as personal religiosity. In fact, religious commitmentas measured by church attendance, prayer, and Scripture readingtends to improve attitudes on race, serving as a progressive influence. This suggests the root of the white churchs problem may not be Christianity proper, as Douglass put it, so much as the culture around white Christianity, which narrows and diminishes the American project. Todays slave-holding religion is preached on Fox News, conservative talk radio, and the rest of the right-wing media ecosystem; they daily bear false witness. Jesus blessing for peacemakers may demand that Christians confront these institutions of demagoguery and division in the name of the kingdom.
roamer65
(36,745 posts)Ill help.