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betterdemsonly

(1,967 posts)
Sat Aug 16, 2014, 12:19 AM Aug 2014

Would arming "good" Syrian rebels in 2012 have stopped the Islamic State?

Interesting article in the Washington Post about whether arming anti-islamist rebels in Syria was actually possible and whether it would have stopped ISIS.


There’s no way to know for sure what would have happened had the United States offered more support to Syrian rebels in the summer of 2012, of course. But there are pretty strong reasons for doubting that it would have been decisive. Even Sen. John McCain was pretty clear about this at the time, arguing that arming the rebels “alone will not be decisive” and that providing weapons in the absence of safe areas protected by U.S. airpower “may even just prolong [the conflict].” Clinton, despite the hyperventilating headlines, only suggested that providing such arms might have offered “some better insight into what was going on on the ground” and “helped in standing up a credible political opposition.” Thoughtful supporters of the policy proposed “managing the militarization” of the conflict and using a stronger Free Syrian Army as leverage to bring Assad to the bargaining table.

Would the United States providing more arms to the FSA have accomplished these goals? The academic literature is not encouraging. In general, external support for rebels almost always make wars longer, bloodier and harder to resolve (for more on this, see the proceedings of this Project on Middle East Political Science symposium in the free PDF download). Worse, as the University of Maryland’s David Cunningham has shown, Syria had most of the characteristics of the type of civil war in which external support for rebels is least effective. The University of Colorado’s Aysegul Aydin and Binghamton University’s Patrick Regan have suggested that external support for a rebel group could help when all the external powers backing a rebel group are on the same page and effectively cooperate in directing resources to a common end. Unfortunately, Syria was never that type of civil war.

Syria’s combination of a weak, fragmented collage of rebel organizations with a divided, competitive array of external sponsors was therefore the worst profile possible for effective external support. Clinton understands this. She effectively pinpoints the real problem when she notes that the rebels “were often armed in an indiscriminate way by other forces and we had no skin in the game that really enabled us to prevent this indiscriminate arming.” An effective strategy of arming the Syrian rebels would never have been easy, but to have any chance at all it would have required a unified approach by the rebels’ external backers, and a unified rebel organization to receive the aid. That would have meant staunching financial flows from its Gulf partners, or at least directing them in a coordinated fashion. Otherwise, U.S. aid to the FSA would be just another bucket of water in an ocean of cash and guns pouring into the conflict.

But such coordination was easier said than done. The Qatari-Saudi rivalry was playing out across the region, not only in Syria. Their intense struggles over the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt and the overall course of the Arab uprisings were peaking during the 2012–13 window during which arming the rebels was being discussed. Their competition largely precluded any unified Gulf strategy. Turkey and Qatar channeled money and support to a variety of Islamist groups. Meanwhile, U.S.-Saudi relations were also at their nadir, before fears of jihadist blowback began to concentrate Saudi minds. Riyadh showed no more interest in following the United States’ lead in Syria than it did on Egypt or Iranian nuclear talks. External backers of the rebels didn’t even agree on whether the goal was to protect civilians, overthrow Assad, bring the regime to the table, or to wage a region-wide sectarian war against Iran. It is difficult to see Gulf capitals embroiled in these regional battles becoming more receptive to American guidance just because the United States had some “skin in the game.”


http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2014/08/11/would-arming-syrias-rebels-have-stopped-the-islamic-state/

I guess, one good consequence Jeff Bezos's takeover of WP is that they seem much more reflective on foreign policy.
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Would arming "good" Syrian rebels in 2012 have stopped the Islamic State? (Original Post) betterdemsonly Aug 2014 OP
Which ones were the "good" ones? HooptieWagon Aug 2014 #1
Hillary seemed to understand this at one point? betterdemsonly Aug 2014 #2
Of course not. Notafraidtoo Aug 2014 #3
Good article. nt CJCRANE Aug 2014 #4
 

HooptieWagon

(17,064 posts)
1. Which ones were the "good" ones?
Sat Aug 16, 2014, 12:31 AM
Aug 2014

How do we know the "good" ones don't become bad ones? What if the bad ones steal the weapons from the "good" ones?

There is no side in Syria the US could have backed, that had the likelyhood of a good outcome for the US.

 

betterdemsonly

(1,967 posts)
2. Hillary seemed to understand this at one point?
Sat Aug 16, 2014, 01:02 AM
Aug 2014

Why in the world does she thing courting the neocons would be a good thing?

Notafraidtoo

(402 posts)
3. Of course not.
Sat Aug 16, 2014, 04:56 AM
Aug 2014

If we had armed any rebels, the right wing would be calling for Obamas impeachment blaming him for Isis being so well armed, and the same spineless Dems would be agreeing with them. I think Obamas foreign policy is as good as it gets with out war and is rather intelligent. Americans are too simple minded to understand, but if you asked them if we should do more than sanctions or bombings they would say no.

No one besides John McCain and military contractors want more war.

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