February 9, 2015

In Moscow "Titushky" attack the antiwar rally

In the Moscow metro, "Tretyakov" activists pro-Putin movement (the so-called "Titushky&quot attacked the antiwar rally "Solidarity" movement. The attackers threw feces at picketers.

Activist "Solidarity" Michael Krieger detained one of the attackers. The police then took away two "titushek" in ATS "Zamoskvorechye". Krieger went there to file a complaint, but he was arrested and charged with "hooliganism". Michael Krieger was fined in the amount of 500 rubles and released, according to the ATS-info .

On the eve of the protests pro-government activists wrote to the prosecutor denouncing protesters from the "Solidarity". They demanded the prosecutor institute criminal proceedings "of insulting a public official." The statement said that if the police did not "take measures to prevent the anti-Russian rally," they "will have to do to take adequate measures."

"Solidarity" pickets against the war in Ukraine are held in Moscow on a weekly basis. Their members are exposed to attacks by pro-Kremlin activists organized.

http://hro.org/node/21368

February 8, 2015

"Not left vs right" anymore but "established, integrationist politics vs isolationist, nationalists"

Forget left and right: Europe’s divisions lie elsewhere

For those who want a happy ending or an easy moral to the story, the election of a new Greek government last month poses some interesting quandaries. Progressives of various kinds at first hailed what appeared to be a victory for the radical left-wing party Syriza, but they were caught off guard when Syriza instantly struck a coalition deal with the Independent Greeks, a radical right-wing party that Daniel Cohn-Bendit, a legendary European leftist, bluntly described as “ultranationalist” with a “homophobic, anti-Semitic, racist” leader.

Many of those who rooted for Syriza because of its campaign against the budget-cutting “austerity” program imposed on Greece by its creditors were also taken aback when other, more urgent priorities appeared on the new leaders’ agenda. Both parties turn out to have close connections to the authoritarian Russian government, and both have curious links to a notorious Russian fascist ideologue, Alexander Dugin, who among other things has called for a “genocide” of the “race of Ukrainian bastards.” Accordingly, the new Greek government’s first foreign policy act was not a protest against European economic policy but a protest against sanctions on Russia. Only then did it launch negotiations with its European creditors by announcing that it would refuse to negotiate with its European creditors.

The most important division in Europe is not right vs. left. Nor is the main issue even “austerity” vs. “anti-austerity.” Some of the countries hit hardest by the 2009 financial crisis have pursued “austerity” with great success. Ireland has restructured and is once again growing. Latvia found ways to cut government spending without cutting pensions and is growing at one of the fastest rates in Europe.

The real division in Europe is between what I would call established, integrationist politics and isolationist, nationalist politics. It was visible last year in Britain, during the Scottish independence referendum. The Scottish Nationalists were unlike Syriza in many, many ways, but they were using similar language of “national renewal,” and they were calling for a similar reassertion of national control: Control over the economy, over political decisions, over borders. Syriza gets along well with the Greek far right because, in essence, both want to reassert national control. Perhaps the right would prefer a higher emphasis on immigration, but it shares Syriza’s furious hatred of the “troika” that control the bailout fund which has been extended to Greece — the European Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/greeces-bid-for-more-control-follows-a-similar-push-across-europe/2015/02/06/0d7f89ee-ae07-11e4-9c91-e9d2f9fde644_story.html

Between the Charlie Hebdo attack and the ""established, integrationist politics vs isolationist, nationalists", I think things look very good for the National Front in the coming election.

February 7, 2015

Moscow Times: 5 Heavy Weapons in Ukraine's Rebel War That May Have Come From Russia

This equipment includes modern Russian military hardware that was not held in Ukrainian arsenals, and which the rebels could therefore not have stolen or bought from the Ukrainian military. Some of this Russian hardware is also currently unavailable on the export market.

1) T-72 Main Battle Tank

Russia's most famous battle tank, the T-72, (see picture above) has been constantly upgraded since going into production in the 1970s. Though many military allies of the Soviet Union manufactured the tanks, a video made by eastern Ukrainian separatists appears to show a version with more modern upgrades in use with the Russian army, likely the T-72B3 model.

The T-73B3 only recently started rolling off production lines and into service with the Russian army. This latest model is not known to have been exported outside of Russia yet.

2) BMP-2 Infantry Fighting Vehicle

Australia's ARES has identified the BMP-2AM, a post-Soviet variant produced in Russia, as being in use among the separatists. While Ukraine does possess a variety of BMPs, Russia never sold the updated BMP-2AM model to Kiev.

3) SA-11 Buk Air Defense System

4) BM-21 Grad Missile Launcher

5) 259 Nona Self-Propelled Artillery

http://www.themoscowtimes.com/business/article/5-heavy-weapons-in-ukraine-s-rebel-war-that-may-have-come-from-russia/515557.html

February 6, 2015

GATT talks started in December 1945 and it was agreed to in 1947. Who do you think was president

then? It was approved by a Democratic congress.

The ITO was the product of FDR's conference in Bretton Woods in July 1944. It would have been more powerful than GATT in that it would have had a dispute resolution system like the WTO has now. That was FDR's idea.

The Conference also proposed the creation of an International Trade Organization (ITO) to establish rules and regulations for international trade. The ITO would have complemented the other two Bretton Woods proposed international bodies: the IMF and the World Bank. The ITO charter was agreed on at the U.N. Conference on Trade and Employment (held in Havana, Cuba, in March 1948), but the charter was not ratified by the U.S. Senate.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bretton_Woods_Conference

A republican congress rejected the International Trade Organization that had been proposed by FDR and negotiated by Truman.

February 2, 2015

The Guardian view of Europe’s populists: left or right, they are united by a worrying xenophobia

In Europe’s north, insurgent populist parties blame socialism; in the south they blame capitalism. But they all blame foreigners, and that must be wrong and dangerous

With Syriza in power in Athens, and Podemos showing its strength on the streets of Madrid, there is a growing sense that a southern coalition of anti-austerity parties in Europe will overturn the existing dogma of economic discipline, largely upheld by Brussels and the north. There is cause to rejoice in the fact that stringent belt-tightening is now being questioned as the best way to pull Europe out of its doldrums. But the rise of these radical political forces tends also to fragment still further an already fragmented continent.

In northern Europe, they attack the establishment from the right; in the south, from the left. The May 2014 European parliamentary elections were the first sign of a European Union-wide drive towards a populism which is now taking root in domestic politics across the member states, and 2015 will be a year of many general elections in the EU.

Unlike the far-rightwing parties that are flourishing in northern Europe, Syriza and Podemos have steered clear of any anti-immigrant sentiment, and they have seriously toned down any anti-EU language (even if they criticise its policies). It is therefore much healthier for Europe to see such movements capture a general mood of discontent rather than the likes of Ukip or Marine Le Pen or the Sweden Democrats. Syriza and Podemos prefer to channel popular anger against the ruling class, the “casta” in Spanish, which includes centrist parties, left or right, all lumped together in popular opprobrium.

But it would be dangerous and short-sighted not to point out the existing overlap between many anti-establishment movements. Insurgent parties of both left and right draw their conflicting passions from a well of nationalism, and this appears in the way that they apportion blame for the economic catastrophe.

Ideological extremes can meet in cold-blooded ways when it suits their interests. Such was the case when Syriza chose to form a coalition with the extreme-rightwing, nationalistic, anti-immigration and antisemitic Independent Greeks party. It is hard to see how the ideas upheld by such a partner can in any way fit with Syriza’s calls for democratic revival. Parliamentary arithmetic and the need for a broad anti-austerity front may be pleaded in mitigation, but it remains baffling how little criticism for this choice Syriza has received from leftist admirers elsewhere. They should also be disturbed by the support that Marine Le Pen had expressed for Syriza when she attacked “the totalitarianism of the EU and financial markets”.

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/feb/01/guardian-view-europe-populists-left-right-united-worrying-xenophobia

All politicians seem to use the 'rally around the flag' sentiment to build support for policies. "Us vs Them" based on nationality is acceptable on both the left and right, though the right plays that card more frequently and to better effect. Europe's history naturally makes many cautious about playing the nationalism card.

The title of the Guardian is a little misleading in that it points out that Syriza and Podemos have "steered clear of any anti-immigrant sentiment, and they have seriously toned down any anti-EU language" and have instead chosen to "channel popular anger against the ruling class".