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Celerity

Celerity's Journal
Celerity's Journal
April 22, 2024

Israel-Gaza: Baby saved from dead mother's womb after Israeli strike in Rafah



Sabreen was dead before she could look into the baby's eyes or hold her.

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-68874070


The young mother had carried her child through seven-and-a-half months of pregnancy. They were days and nights of constant fear, but Sabreen hoped the family's luck would hold until the war ended. That luck vanished in the roar and fire of an explosion in the hour before midnight on 20 April.


The Israelis dropped a bomb onto the al-Sakani family home in Rafah where Sabreen, along with her husband and the couple's other daughter - three-year-old Malak - were asleep. Sabreen suffered extensive injuries and her husband and Malak were killed, but the baby was still alive in her mother's womb when rescue workers reached the site. They rushed Sabreen to hospital, where doctors performed an emergency caesarean section to deliver the child.


Sabreen could not be saved but doctors worked to resuscitate the baby, gently tapping her chest to stimulate breathing. Air was pumped into her lungs. "She was born in severe respiratory distress," said Dr Mohammed Salama, head of the emergency neo-natal unit at Emirati Hospital in Rafah.


But the baby - who weighed just 1.4kg (3.1 lbs) - survived the ordeal of her birth. The doctor wrote the words "the baby of the martyr Sabreen al-Sakani" on a piece of tape and attached it to her body. She was then placed in an incubator. "We can say there is some progress in her health condition," Dr Salama said. "But the situation is still at risk. This respiratory distress syndrome is originally caused by premature birth. This child should have been in the mother's womb at this time, but she was deprived of this right."

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A Palestinian doctor tends to a baby born prematurely after her mother was fatally wounded by an Israeli airstrike in Rafah, Gaza Strip, at the Kuwaiti Hospital in Rafah, April 20, 2024. AFP/GETTY
April 22, 2024

Trump's a Fraud When It Comes to Law and Order and 'Backing the Blue'

He pardoned crony crooks against DOJ’s recommendations, and he’s promised to let Jan. 6 insurrectionists—who brutally attacked cops—off the hook.

https://www.thedailybeast.com/trumps-a-fraud-when-it-comes-to-law-and-order-and-backing-the-blue



Donald Trump likes to project himself on the campaign trail as a tough, “law and order” president who always “backs the blue.” At nearly every campaign stop, his advance team arranges for law enforcement photo ops, and a central part of his campaign message is that he wants the law strictly enforced and is always on the side of the police. After NYPD officer Jonathan Diller was shot and killed in the line of duty last month, Trump scrambled a flight from Florida up to New York City to attend the slain officer’s memorial service. His campaign arranged for Diller’s family to pose for pictures with the ex-president, while Trump complained that violence against police officers is “happening all too often and we’re just not going to let it happen.”

https://twitter.com/kleavittnh/status/1778145766415925724
However, many of Trump’s actions as president—and many that he promises to make should he win the election in November—directly contradict his manufactured pro-cop image. His initial budget in 2017 sought dramatic cuts in funding for community policing and federal grants used to train and equip local police agencies. His final three budgets sought to either cut these programs in half or eliminate them entirely. When Congress continued to fund these programs, Trump’s DOJ refused to release millions in funding to police agencies that he determined weren’t tough enough on immigration.

As president, Trump pardoned 237 people convicted of federal crimes, but bypassed procedures that had been in place for 125 years to ensure pardons were fair and appropriate based on the facts and circumstances. Under past presidents, the Justice Department’s Office of Pardons reviewed each application for suitability. Trump ended that practice, bypassing DOJ to dole out pardons to his friends, political supporters, and people with well-connected friends—such as Roger Stone, Michael Flynn, Steve Bannon, Dinesh D’Souza, Paul Manafort, Michael Milken, Bernard Kerik, Charles Kushner, and George Papadopoulos.

Trump also granted pardons to seven former Republican congressmen, whose alleged crimes included insider trading, conspiracy, wire and mail fraud, bribery, money laundering, extortion, insurance fraud, and tax evasion. (Trump’s “law and order” apparently doesn’t apply to Republican politicians, either.) Only 25 of Trump’s 237 pardons were recommended by DOJ. But if there’s one aspect of Trump’s 2024 campaign that proves beyond a doubt that his “backing the blue” pose is a fraud—it’s his repeated promises to pardon defendants charged with crimes related to the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol that he incited. He’s called the insurrectionists “patriots” who have been “treated very unfairly.” He has never added any limiting or qualifying language to his pledge to set the “Jan. 6 hostages” free, so voters must assume he means all of them.

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April 22, 2024

fuck Newsweek and fuck The Daily Mail, please, please stop giving those RW shitrags exposure and clicks

So bloody sick of them being posted left, right, and centre here.

Newsweek Embraces the Anti-Democracy Hard Right

https://www.democraticunderground.com/100218334749










April 22, 2024

Taylor Swift's Record-Breaking First Day at Spotify With 'Tortured Poets' Surpassed 300 Million Streams



https://variety.com/2024/music/news/spotify-300-million-streams-tortured-poets-department-taylor-swift-1235977306/



Taylor Swift can’t quit breaking her own records. After Spotify revealed Friday that “The Tortured Poets Department” had become the first album in the DSP’s history to amass 200 million streams in a single day, the service updated that news early Saturday, to report that first-day streams actually surpassed 300 million, when all was said and done and counted.

Taylor Swift - Cassandra (Official Lyric Video)



They knew, they knew, they knew the whole time
That I was onto somethin'
The family, the pure greed, the Christian chorus line
They all said nothin'
Blood's thick, but nothin' like a payroll
Bet they never spared a prayer for my soul

“History made!” the company tweeted. “On April 19, 2024, Taylor Swift’s The Tortured Poets Department was the first album in Spotify history to have over 300M streams in a single day.” On top of that, “Fortnight,” the album’s Post Malone-featuring first single, set the record as the platform’s most-streamed song in a single day, topping Adele’s “Easy on Me” (set in 2021)

https://twitter.com/Spotify/status/1781694331482714177
It did not hurt in racking up these numbers that, just two hours after “The Tortured Poets Department” came out at the stroke of midnight ET, Swift announced to her sleepy fans that she was adding 15 tracks to the previously existing 16 for a 31-song deluxe digital edition. Before the new album came out, Swift previously held the record for most streams in a single day, with the previous benchmarks set by 2022’s “Midnights” and 2023’s “1989 (Taylor’s Version).”

https://twitter.com/Spotify/status/1781668213807620117
It had already been reported Friday that with “Poets,” Swift had become the most streamed artist in a single day in Spotify history. She previously broke her record as the most streamed artist in a single day when “1989 (Taylor’s Version)” dropped in October last year. Before the album release, she had already set a slightly more mundane record, as “Poets” became the most pre-saved album on the Countdown Page in Spotify history just a day before it arrived.

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April 22, 2024

Jennifer Rubin: Forget the ticker-tape parade. Mike Johnson is no hero.



https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/04/22/johnson-military-aid-damage-ukraine/

https://archive.ph/Vxty9


Debris from apartments hit by a Russian missile in Kharkiv, Ukraine, on Jan. 23. (Alice Martins for The Washington Post)

Foreign policy commentators and proponents of aid to Ukraine spent days gushing over House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) for finally bringing to the floor a bill for aid to Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan. Give him credit! He came around! What courage! That praise ignored the immense damage that Johnson and MAGA House Republican pro-Russia propagandists inflicted on America’s beleaguered Ukrainian allies.

https://twitter.com/MEPFuller/status/1780747674355966331
https://twitter.com/WSJopinion/status/1781130635513364918

Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) put it well:

https://twitter.com/DNCWarRoom/status/1781336247853592601
When the vote on Ukraine aid finally came, it was overwhelming, 311-112. That raised the question: Why in the world did such a popular measure take so long? It could have been done long ago, when President Biden requested the aid in October, had Johnson simply ignored the histrionics from pro-Putin House members who take their cues from Donald Trump. A week … a month … six months ago, the vote to deliver critical aid could have prevented countless Ukrainian deaths. Just last week, Russian missiles struck an apartment building in the northern Ukrainian city of Chernihiv, killing 17 people and injuring at least 61. That was merely one strike among many Russia has successfully carried out in recent months while Ukraine has been hampered by munitions shortages and inadequate antimissile defenses.

The delay had serious, widespread consequences for Ukraine. Max Bergmann, a former State Department official and director of the Europe, Russia and Eurasia program for the Center for Strategic and International Studies, tells me, “Their power sector has been decimated by lack of air defense, which will be incredibly costly to repair.” He adds that on the front “Ukrainians have lost a lot of soldiers because if you don’t have artillery you have to hold the line with men.” In other words, Ukraine has “lost a lot of people simply because we stopped providing them ammo.”

Amnesty International, tracking one of Russia’s many ongoing human rights violations, reported just days before the vote, “In what may be cumulatively one of Russia’s most destructive series of strikes on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, several power facilities were attacked, resulting in further suffering and disruption to Ukrainian civilians.” The organization noted, “Deliberately attacking civilian infrastructure, such as power stations and electricity supplies, and causing overwhelming harm to civilians is a violation of international humanitarian law.” Count that among the consequences of delayed U.S. aid. The shortages of ammunition and antimissile systems for Ukraine meant Russia paid little price for continued aggression......................

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April 22, 2024

Milan bans ice cream after midnight



Fears over late-night revellers causing excessive noise are leading to the city council’s clampdown on takeaway food and drink

https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/milan-bans-ice-cream-after-midnight-q0qkj7hfb

https://archive.ph/MjEMl



Milan is poised to ban sales of ice creams after midnight in ongoing efforts to clamp down on nighttime revellers sowing havoc on the streets of Italy’s financial capital. The new rules devised by the city council will ban the sale of takeaway drinks and food, including pizza and ice cream, in 12 of Milan’s liveliest districts. “We are seeking a balance between sociality and entertainment, the peace and health of the residents and the free economic activity of traders and entrepreneurs,” Marco Granelli, the deputy mayor responsible for security, wrote on Facebook.

Home to Italy’s banking and technology sectors as well as the country’s stock exchange, Milan has a reputation for its tireless workforce and is credited with inventing Italy’s after-work aperitivo. According to a 2023 study by the market research company NIQ, the city is home to nearly 12,500 bars and restaurants. Now the council is determined to clamp down on drinkers gathering on the city’s streets after hours. “A sizable segment of the population is complaining about excessive noise,” Giuseppe Sala, the mayor, told reporters last month. “In my role I have to listen to all citizens, including those who have to work and those who want to do their business.”

The measure, which is due to come into force on May 7 and will run until early November, will apply to areas including Navigli, where crowds gather outside bars lining two narrow canals, and Paolo Sarpi, or Chinatown, which is home to a growing number of edgy fusion cocktail bars. While the new regulation applies to all kinds of takeaway food, critics have particularly rallied behind gelaterias, which are accustomed to serving late-night customers as an inherent part of Italian culture. The right-wing newspaper Il Giornale claimed Sala had “declared war on ice cream”.



Business representatives have criticised the plans. “This initiative does not solve the problem,” Lino Stoppani, president of the Italian federation of public and tourist operators, told newspaper Il Messaggero. He added that the measure would “damage businesses that generate wealth”. The ban will apply to takeaways from midnight every day and to outdoor tables from 12.30am on weekdays and from 1.30am on Saturdays, Sundays and public holidays. Citizens and private and public stakeholders have until early May to file suggested changes to the plan. Milan backtracked on plans to introduce a similar ban in 2013, when Giuliano Pisapia, the mayor at the time, claimed there had been a “misunderstanding”. “Milanese residents can continue to freely enjoy an ice cream after midnight,” he said at the time.

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April 22, 2024

Social democracy: its history and its future



The political scientist Eunice Goes explains to Robin Wilson the vicissitudes of social democracy historically and addresses its contemporary challenges.

https://www.socialeurope.eu/social-democracy-its-history-and-its-future


The Great Chartist Meeting on Kennington Common in 1848—Marx was impressed with this working-class movement for voting rights in Britain, albeit only for men

Robin Wilson: Your new book, Social Democracy, is a sobering account of social democracy since its emergence, charting a steadily diminishing political ambition—a fading of the red flag, if you like—over time. In your telling, in the latter 19th century, social democracy forsook the ill-defined ‘revolution’ of Marx and Engels for a parliamentary road to socialism. In the early 20th century, it demarcated itself from purportedly radical yet authoritarian alternatives. In the later 20th century, it accommodated to neoliberal capitalism. And in this century, it became disorientated by the ‘polycrisis’. Why do you think there was this steady trajectory, rather than more back-and-forth—more moments of social democratic achievement to record, such as the universal welfare states established in the Nordic countries in the middle of the last century?

Eunice Goes: That was the result of different things operating at the same time—and there was a bit of back and forth, which was not so steady. There was always an element of contingency and reacting to events as they emerged. But the first factor that drove this social democratic backsliding—if we can talk about it in those terms—has to do with when theory gets into contact with the messy reality of politics. And this is something we all experience in our lives: before we parent, we read about how to look after children and then, once our children are presented before us, we are faced with completely new sets of situations and have to improvise. In the late 19th century one thing was the theory of social democracy, the way the theorists imagined a socialist society.

Then they got on to start to implement that social-democratic society but reality is always different from the theory. And the first adaptation had to do with the electoral ground on which they were going to bring their vision to fruition. They very quickly saw—and Marx and Engels were the first to argue it—that parliamentary democracy and universal suffrage offered them an incredible tool to bring that vision of society about. But again, how they imagined their electorate, and in particular the working class or the supporters of the labour movement, was quite different from the voters they encountered on the ground. And so if the road to power was through elections—was through the parliamentary road—they had to adapt to these new voters. These voters might have been quite sympathetic to the cause of social democracy—they might have been very supportive. But they were not militants and they were not dogmatic followers of theory.

So if parties wanted to win elections, they needed to adjust to that reality. They also had to adjust to the fact that in many countries the industrial working class was not a majority. So if they wanted to be in power and to start to transform society, they needed to make proposals that offered something to those other voters. Finally, the trajectory of social democracy was also one of struggle. They had to deal with a fairly hostile environment. It was not just the difficulty of winning elections—it was the difficulty of dealing with a series of institutions in the societies in which they were operating that were quite hostile to a socialist project: judicial systems, the law, the media, of course, mostly privately owned. So socialists had to fight, they had to deal with and adapt to those situations. This over 160 years of history has been one of struggle and one where social-democratic parties with the exception of Scandinavia have been mostly in opposition. Very few times have social-democratic parties governed in the countries in which they are operating.


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April 22, 2024

Progressives must say 'no' to austerity



This week MEPs vote on the revised EU economic-governance framework. The stakes could not be higher.

https://www.socialeurope.eu/progressives-must-say-no-to-austerity


The new fiscal rules will deny the scale of investments in the green transition the ecological challenge requires, as well as their necessary social counterparts (metamorworks/shutterstock.com)

Progressives gearing up for the next term have a long list of critical issues to tackle: transforming the European Green Deal into a truly green and social deal, pivoting the European Union from ‘green growth’ to post-growth economics, overhauling the narrow approach to just transition, adapting welfare states to climate risks and refocusing the industrial agenda on quality jobs and environmental standards. Yet the hard truth is that if we do not stand firm against the new fiscal rules, all these proposals will go out of the window. Our manifestos will be toothless without the ability to invest massively in a just transition to climate neutrality. Unless progressives snap out of their slumber and reject this austerity pact by casting a ‘no’ vote on Tuesday in the European Parliament, we shall be complicit in our own downfall.

Widespread criticism

The ‘old’ fiscal rules of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) faced widespread criticism for their pursuit of arbitrary numerical targets without any economic justification: the infamous ratios to gross domestic product of budget deficits (3 per cent) and public debt (60 per cent). These rules, which imposed a fiscal straitjacket on national budgets, have been counterproductive—promoting short-term thinking, neglectful of spending quality and unenforceable (due to their reliance on unobservable variables prone to ex post revisions). Since the European Commission initiated its review of the SGP in 2020, numerous reforms have been advocated to safeguard public investment in social welfare and facilitate the ecological transition. Amid recent social, ecological and geopolitical crises, there was optimism that the EU would finally take decisive action to revamp its economic governance. The pandemic prompted a suspension of the SGP in 2020, allowing for increased deficit spending to safeguard citizens. This was extended until 2024 in response to surging energy prices across the EU.

These four years underscored the essential role of government intervention and emphasised the importance of public services, as well as the invaluable contributions of healthcare and education workers. The release of revised economic-governance guidelines by the commission in 2022 fell short of expectations. While acknowledging some criticisms of the outdated rules, the proposal failed adequately to prioritise public investments. It could, nonetheless, have offered a basis for negotiations. Since then, led by the German finance minister, Christian Lindner, and supported by the so-called ‘frugal’ countries, the old guard has fought back and the situation has actually worsened. After two years of debate, the Council of the EU and the European Parliament reached an agreement on the legislative package, backed in the parliament by the conservative European People’s Party and the liberal Renew groups, with the perplexing complicity of the Socialists and Democrats. The new economic-governance framework would sustain arbitrary and complex rules blindly prioritising debt and deficit reduction over key EU policy objectives, such as the green deal and social cohesion.

Debt fundamentalism

Each member state’s fiscal plan would be based on a single net-expenditure reference trajectory, dictating the required annual reduction in government spending. The commission’s debt sustainability analysis (DSA) would set the variables and assumptions under which any trajectory was deemed plausible, and so the speed of medium-term fiscal consolidation. Debt sustainability is imperative to prevent sovereign default, market panic and reliance on bailouts. But the reform would enforce systematic debt reduction below arbitrary thresholds. The commission’s methodology is overly focused on debt-to-GDP dynamics and fails adequately to integrate financial-market indicators such as debt affordability (interest rates have steadily decreased since the 1990s) or debt structure (EU debt is primarily held domestically). Crucially, a reliable analysis should take into account the fiscal consequences of climate inaction, which require an increase in green expenditure to finance rapid adaptation.

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April 20, 2024

iio - Rapture (John Creamer & Stephane K. Remix) (feat. Nadia Ali) + Rapture (Riva Remix) (feat. Nadia Ali) 2001🖤







Label: United Recordings – UTD 024, Ministry Of Sound – UTD 024, Data Records – UTD 024, Made Records – UTD 024, United Recordings – UTD024, Ministry Of Sound – UTD024, Data Records – UTD024, Made Records – UTD024
Format: Vinyl, 12", 33 ⅓ RPM, 45 RPM
Country: Netherlands
Released: 2001
Genre: Electronic
Style: Progressive House, Progressive Trance











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Gender: Female
Hometown: London
Home country: US/UK/Sweden
Current location: Stockholm, Sweden
Member since: Sun Jul 1, 2018, 07:25 PM
Number of posts: 43,343

About Celerity

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