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In reply to the discussion: Lauren Boebert Switches Districts [View all]Celerity
(55,404 posts)51. there is no uncertainty, unless Clarence Thomas (who wrote the dissent in Thornton) finally gets his way
ArtI.S2.C2.3 Ability of States to Add Qualifications for Members
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S2-C2-3/ALDE_00013373/
In 1969, the Supreme Court established in Powell v. McCormack that Congress may not consider qualifications other than those set forth in the Constitution when judging whether Members-elect qualified for Congress pursuant to Article I, Section 5, Clause 1. In 1995, the Supreme Court in U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton extended its findings in Powell to prohibit states from imposing qualification requirements on congressional membership.
The Supreme Courts Thornton holding was consistent with long-established congressional practice not to weigh state-added qualifications when considering whether a Member-elect qualified for a congressional seat. For instance, in 1807, the House seated a Member-elect although he was in violation of a state law requiring Members of Congress to have resided in their congressional districts for at least twelve months, the House resolving that the state requirement was unconstitutional.
In Thornton, Arkansas, along with twenty-two other states, limited the number of terms that Members of Congress could serve. Reexamining Powell and its articulation of the basic principles of our democratic system, the Thornton Court reaffirmed that the qualifications for service in Congress set forth in the Constitution are fixed, in that Congress may not supplement them. Powell, the Court found, however, did not conclusively resolve the Thornton issue as to whether, during the framing of the Constitution, the states had retained power to add qualification requirements for membership in Congress. Recognizing that the Framers clearly intended for the Constitution to be the exclusive source of congressional qualifications, the Court reasoned that even if states had possessed some original power in this area, they had ceded that power to the Federal Government. The Court, however, held that the power to add qualifications is not within the original powers of the States, and thus not reserved to the States by the Tenth Amendment.
Both the Thornton majority and dissent hinged their analyses on whether states had power to impose additional qualification requirements on candidates for Congress and, if so, whether they had ceded such power when they ratified the Constitution. To this end, the Court explored the Constitutions text, drafting, and ratification, as well as early congressional and state practices. Observing that state powers were either (1) reserved by states from the Federal Government under the Constitution or (2) delegated to states by the Federal Government, the majority reasoned that states had no reserved powers that emanated from the Federal Government. Quoting Justice Joseph Story, the Court noted: '[S]tates can exercise no powers whatsoever, which exclusively spring out of the existence of the national government, which the constitution does not delegate to them. . . . No state can say, that it has reserved, what it never possessed. Because states had no powers to legislate on the Federal Government prior to the Nations Founding and the Constitution did not delegate to states power to prescribe qualifications for Members of Congress, the Court held the states did not have such power.
In contrast, the dissent reasoned that the Constitution precluded states only from exercising powers delegated to the Federal Government, either expressly or implicitly, or which the states had agreed not to exercise themselves. Consequently, states retained all other powers. The dissent stated Where the Constitution is silent about the exercise of a particular power-that is, where the Constitution does not speak either expressly or by necessary implication-the Federal Government lacks that power and the States enjoy it. Accordingly, the dissent reasoned, the Constitutions silence on whether states could impose additional qualifications meant the states retained this power.
Thornton reaffirmed that any change to qualifications for membership in Congress cannot come from state or federal law, but only through the amendment process set forth in Article V of the United States Constitution. Six years later, the Court relied on Thornton to invalidate a Missouri law requiring that labels be placed on ballots alongside the names of congressional candidates who had disregarded voters instruction on term limits or declined to pledge support for term limits.
The Supreme Court has distinguished state requirements for appearing on a ballot as a third-party candidate from qualification requirements for membership in Congress. In Storer v. Brown, the Court noted that a California law setting criteria to be listed as a third-party candidate did not violate Article I, Section 2, Clause 2. The Court reasoned that the plaintiffs would not have been disqualified if they had been nominated at a party primary or by an adequately supported independent petition and then elected at the general election. As such, the Court recognized that state requirements for being listed on the ballot was consistent with the states interest in ensuring that a candidate listed on a ballot is a serious contender.
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S2-C2-3/ALDE_00013373/
Article I, Section 2, Clause 2:
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.
In 1969, the Supreme Court established in Powell v. McCormack that Congress may not consider qualifications other than those set forth in the Constitution when judging whether Members-elect qualified for Congress pursuant to Article I, Section 5, Clause 1. In 1995, the Supreme Court in U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton extended its findings in Powell to prohibit states from imposing qualification requirements on congressional membership.
The Supreme Courts Thornton holding was consistent with long-established congressional practice not to weigh state-added qualifications when considering whether a Member-elect qualified for a congressional seat. For instance, in 1807, the House seated a Member-elect although he was in violation of a state law requiring Members of Congress to have resided in their congressional districts for at least twelve months, the House resolving that the state requirement was unconstitutional.
In Thornton, Arkansas, along with twenty-two other states, limited the number of terms that Members of Congress could serve. Reexamining Powell and its articulation of the basic principles of our democratic system, the Thornton Court reaffirmed that the qualifications for service in Congress set forth in the Constitution are fixed, in that Congress may not supplement them. Powell, the Court found, however, did not conclusively resolve the Thornton issue as to whether, during the framing of the Constitution, the states had retained power to add qualification requirements for membership in Congress. Recognizing that the Framers clearly intended for the Constitution to be the exclusive source of congressional qualifications, the Court reasoned that even if states had possessed some original power in this area, they had ceded that power to the Federal Government. The Court, however, held that the power to add qualifications is not within the original powers of the States, and thus not reserved to the States by the Tenth Amendment.
Both the Thornton majority and dissent hinged their analyses on whether states had power to impose additional qualification requirements on candidates for Congress and, if so, whether they had ceded such power when they ratified the Constitution. To this end, the Court explored the Constitutions text, drafting, and ratification, as well as early congressional and state practices. Observing that state powers were either (1) reserved by states from the Federal Government under the Constitution or (2) delegated to states by the Federal Government, the majority reasoned that states had no reserved powers that emanated from the Federal Government. Quoting Justice Joseph Story, the Court noted: '[S]tates can exercise no powers whatsoever, which exclusively spring out of the existence of the national government, which the constitution does not delegate to them. . . . No state can say, that it has reserved, what it never possessed. Because states had no powers to legislate on the Federal Government prior to the Nations Founding and the Constitution did not delegate to states power to prescribe qualifications for Members of Congress, the Court held the states did not have such power.
In contrast, the dissent reasoned that the Constitution precluded states only from exercising powers delegated to the Federal Government, either expressly or implicitly, or which the states had agreed not to exercise themselves. Consequently, states retained all other powers. The dissent stated Where the Constitution is silent about the exercise of a particular power-that is, where the Constitution does not speak either expressly or by necessary implication-the Federal Government lacks that power and the States enjoy it. Accordingly, the dissent reasoned, the Constitutions silence on whether states could impose additional qualifications meant the states retained this power.
Thornton reaffirmed that any change to qualifications for membership in Congress cannot come from state or federal law, but only through the amendment process set forth in Article V of the United States Constitution. Six years later, the Court relied on Thornton to invalidate a Missouri law requiring that labels be placed on ballots alongside the names of congressional candidates who had disregarded voters instruction on term limits or declined to pledge support for term limits.
The Supreme Court has distinguished state requirements for appearing on a ballot as a third-party candidate from qualification requirements for membership in Congress. In Storer v. Brown, the Court noted that a California law setting criteria to be listed as a third-party candidate did not violate Article I, Section 2, Clause 2. The Court reasoned that the plaintiffs would not have been disqualified if they had been nominated at a party primary or by an adequately supported independent petition and then elected at the general election. As such, the Court recognized that state requirements for being listed on the ballot was consistent with the states interest in ensuring that a candidate listed on a ballot is a serious contender.
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Not just CO, it is the same for all 50 States. You do not have to live in the District you represent.
Celerity
Dec 2023
#11
Thank you and Ms Toad. I have long believed Reps were elected from their districts.
Deuxcents
Dec 2023
#13
Gerrymandering is to gain a partisan advantage. Also, House districts are often redrawn, so it
Celerity
Dec 2023
#17
yw, and another misconception I see many have is that a POTUS and VPOTUS cannot be from the same State.
Celerity
Dec 2023
#29
States can make their own laws though about where they want their state reps and state senators to reside
LeftInTX
Dec 2023
#53
see this for list (from mid 2017) of House members who are outside their districts
Celerity
Dec 2023
#37
As I indicated, my quick search did run across states which had added requirements.
Ms. Toad
Dec 2023
#40
I already provided 'case closed' documentation, I cannot believe you are still requesting more
Celerity
Dec 2023
#42
there is no uncertainty, unless Clarence Thomas (who wrote the dissent in Thornton) finally gets his way
Celerity
Dec 2023
#51
Thanks. Never really thought about it, but the district is voting for person they
Silent Type
Dec 2023
#28
From mid 2017: At least 21 members of the House are registered to vote outside their districts
Celerity
Dec 2023
#32
In CO-4 (the district in question) Ken Buck himself did not live in the district. He was registered in CO-2 at least
Celerity
Dec 2023
#45
she doesn't even have any experience with the citizens in the district she is in NOW
Takket
Dec 2023
#15
Isn't that Ken Buck's district? He's not running again due to people like Boebert!
diva77
Dec 2023
#6
It was the only way she could resolve the disatisfaction of her constituency. Become a carpet bagger.
marble falls
Dec 2023
#9
That is pretty much ranch country and solid republican. She can lose the primary though.
33taw
Dec 2023
#72
She isa group groper and a fucking piece of shit. She is a motherfucking lie once again.
SoFlaBro
Dec 2023
#46
Really? There are quite a few Democrats who don't live in the district they represent.
onenote
Dec 2023
#61
She is a filthy, nasty fucking scumbag. Such a lowlife, slicked-back shitbird.
SoFlaBro
Dec 2023
#59
So now we get to see how completely stupid the voters in District 4 can be
SouthernDem4ever
Dec 2023
#69