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In reply to the discussion: What's happening in MN isn't a protest, it's a resistance. [View all]Ocelot II
(130,667 posts)21. A better example would be the Norwegian resistance. It was highly effective
and mostly, though not always, nonviolent, because the Nazis had far superior firepower. One example is the teachers' resistance.
Norway was invaded by the Nazis on 9th of April, 1940. Within two months, the Nazis had crushed Norwegian military resistance and installed a puppet government. Norwegians responded to the occupation of their country both nonviolently and violently. Because of the unprovoked aggression that the Nazis unleashed upon them, many Norwegians felt that all forms of resistance were fully legitimate. However, most saw nonviolent resistance as the only practical option, given the massive military advantage of the occupying military forces. The protests were fueled by the presence of the Nazis and many actions of the occupation government, led by the fascist "Minister-President" Quisling, only increased the size of the resistance. For example, the creation of a compulsory fascist Youth Front led the Bishops of the State Church to resign.
The Teachers Defense of Education should be understood as a part of this continual resistance against fascism, which continued up through the liberation of Norway. Quisling and his Nazi backers wished to create a Corporative State, meaning a state where the entire society is geared towards fascist goals. When Quisling attempted to transform the education system for this purpose, the teachers responded with a very successful defense.
Quisling created a new Norwegian Teachers Union, to be led by the occupation forces, and required all teachers to join. Almost immediately, an underground group in Oslo sent out a short statement for teachers to copy and mail to the authorities stating their refusal to participate, with their name and address affixed. Between 8,000 and 10,000 of Norways 12,000 teachers participated.
The teachers action created panic in the Quisling government, and he ordered schools to be closed for a month. This decision sent the school children back home and 200,000 parents wrote letters of protest to the government. In addition, teachers continued to hold their classes in private, defying government orders.
Again, Quisling was outmaneuvered by the Norwegian resistance, and so the occupation government ordered roughly 1,000 male teachers to be arrested and jailed. Underground organizations continued to pay the salaries of the incarcerated teachers, removing financial pressure on the prisoners and striking teachers.
In April the government sent 499 teachers to a concentration camp near Kirkenes, in the arctic. When news of this action was leaked crowds of students and farmers gathered along the tracks to sing and offer food as the train passed. The teachers also formed their own choirs and gave lectures in order to maintain their sanity and pass the time. Around a month after their arrival in Kirkenes, word came in mid-May that the occupation governments Church and Education Department had given up on creating a fascist teachers organization,
Eventually it became clear to Quisling that he would lose whatever legitimacy he had left in the eyes of the population and released the remaining teachers from the concentration camp. Thanks to Norwegian pride and fascist oppression, the people of Norway had solidified into a resistance movement that successfully defended the schools from incorporation into the fascist state. The people would continue to give Quisling so much difficulty that he was ultimately forced to give up on his idea of the Corporative State altogether.
The Teachers Defense of Education should be understood as a part of this continual resistance against fascism, which continued up through the liberation of Norway. Quisling and his Nazi backers wished to create a Corporative State, meaning a state where the entire society is geared towards fascist goals. When Quisling attempted to transform the education system for this purpose, the teachers responded with a very successful defense.
Quisling created a new Norwegian Teachers Union, to be led by the occupation forces, and required all teachers to join. Almost immediately, an underground group in Oslo sent out a short statement for teachers to copy and mail to the authorities stating their refusal to participate, with their name and address affixed. Between 8,000 and 10,000 of Norways 12,000 teachers participated.
The teachers action created panic in the Quisling government, and he ordered schools to be closed for a month. This decision sent the school children back home and 200,000 parents wrote letters of protest to the government. In addition, teachers continued to hold their classes in private, defying government orders.
Again, Quisling was outmaneuvered by the Norwegian resistance, and so the occupation government ordered roughly 1,000 male teachers to be arrested and jailed. Underground organizations continued to pay the salaries of the incarcerated teachers, removing financial pressure on the prisoners and striking teachers.
In April the government sent 499 teachers to a concentration camp near Kirkenes, in the arctic. When news of this action was leaked crowds of students and farmers gathered along the tracks to sing and offer food as the train passed. The teachers also formed their own choirs and gave lectures in order to maintain their sanity and pass the time. Around a month after their arrival in Kirkenes, word came in mid-May that the occupation governments Church and Education Department had given up on creating a fascist teachers organization,
Eventually it became clear to Quisling that he would lose whatever legitimacy he had left in the eyes of the population and released the remaining teachers from the concentration camp. Thanks to Norwegian pride and fascist oppression, the people of Norway had solidified into a resistance movement that successfully defended the schools from incorporation into the fascist state. The people would continue to give Quisling so much difficulty that he was ultimately forced to give up on his idea of the Corporative State altogether.
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