John Yoo of the "torture creative class" is not a happy camper right now.

[madfloridian]

25. Yoo claims the torture produced good results. Attacks Feinstein.

http://time.com/3626957/yoo-senate-torture-report-feinstein/

Any President who followed Feinstein’s advice would fail in his or her fundamental duty to protect the security of the United States

Suppose you are a President who has just witnessed 3,000 American deaths in a terrorist attack by a shadowy enemy. Intelligence strongly indicates that follow-on attacks will come. You have little information on future attacks, but you know that the enemy will employ unconventional tactics that violate the very laws of war. The enemy disguises its operatives as civilians, it attacks civilians and peaceful targets by surprise, and is willing to use any weapons, including chemical and biological. Then, just a few months after the attacks, an amazing stroke of good fortune falls into your lap: The U.S. captures the first high-ranking leader of the enemy.
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What would you do? According to Senator Dianne Feinstein’s report on Bush-era interrogation policies, released today, you should allow only police station-style questioning. Designed to build a rapport between the interrogator and the detainee, these methods can take weeks, if not months, if they work at all. If al Qaeda leaders refuse to cooperate, the CIA and FBI will have to wait. You cannot treat them differently, the Feinstein report implies; you must give them the same benefits that our Constitution reserves for American citizens suspected of garden variety, domestic crimes. If another attack occurs, perhaps worse than the first, the President must still wait for the al Qaeda leaders to cooperate willingly.

Any President who followed Feinstein’s advice would fail in his or her fundamental duty to protect the security of the United States. A President charged with this responsibility cannot wait weeks, months, or never; he must obtain intelligence as soon as possible to stop the next attack. Under these emergency conditions, a chief executive would reasonably give the green light to limited, but aggressive interrogation methods that did not cause any long-term or permanent injury. You might even approve waterboarding in the time of emergency (remember, again, that this is three months after the attacks) if limited only to enemy leaders thought to have information about pending attacks.

As a member of the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel at the time of the 9/11 attacks, I thought that the CIA’s proposed interrogation methods were within the bounds of the law—just barely. They did not inflict serious, long-term pain or suffering, as prohibited by the federal statute banning torture. We realized then that waterboarding came closest to the line. But the fact that the U.S. military has used it to train thousands of U.S. airmen, officers, and soldiers without harm indicated that it didn’t constitute torture. Limiting tough interrogation methods only to al Qaeda leaders thought to have actionable information, during a time when the nation was under attack, further underscored the measured, narrow nature of President Bush’s decision.

The Feinstein report cannot deny that most Americans agree President Bush acted reasonably under these emergency conditions. Indeed, if the American people concluded that Bush had made a grave mistake, it could have turned him out of office in the 2004 elections (which took place after the stories about tough interrogations first leaked).

He thinks waterboarding came closest to crossing the line. Is he claiming not to know about everything else?

The man is all over defending the indefensible.