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In reply to the discussion: Legal experts warn of 'constitutional crisis' as JD Vance and Elon Musk question judges' authority over Trump [View all]LetMyPeopleVote
(180,281 posts)55. Impeachment and Removal of Judges: An Explainer
MAGA idiots want to impeach federal judges who are ruling against trump and Musk. Here is a good explanation of the law on the impeachment of federal judges from the Brennan Center. There have been few judiciaql impeachments and there have been no removals due to the rulings of a federal judge.
Judicial impeachment shouldnt be used to punish judges for their rulings. Heres why.
Link to tweet
https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/impeachment-and-removal-judges-explainer
The U.S. Constitution provides little guidance as to what offenses constitute grounds for the impeachment of federal judges: as with other government officials, judges may be removed following impeachment and conviction for Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors; otherwise, under Article III, Section 1, judges shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour.
However, the impeachment power has historically been limited to cases of serious ethical or criminal misconduct. For example, in 2009, the House impeached U.S. District Court Judge Samuel B. Kent on charges of sexual assault, obstructing an official proceeding, and making false statements. Kent resigned before the Senate tried the charges. The next year, the House impeached U.S. District Court Judge G. Thomas Porteous Jr. on allegations of bribery and making false statements. The Senate convicted Porteous. Of the 15 federal judicial impeachments in history, the most common charges were making false statements, favoritism toward litigants or special appointees, intoxication on the bench, and abuse of the contempt power......
Can judges be impeached for their rulings?
Historical practice suggests a strong tradition against impeaching judges for their decisions. Chief Justice William Rehnquist, who wrote a book examining the history of judicial impeachment, found that early historical uses of the impeachment power established a norm that judicial acts their rulings from the bench would not be a basis for removal from office by impeachment and conviction.
According to Rehnquist, the attempted removal of Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase in 1804 was, in particular, enormously important in securing the kind of judicial independence contemplated by the Constitution. President Thomas Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, encouraged the House to impeach Chase, a Federalist, after Chase openly criticized the president and his policies to a Baltimore grand jury. In addition to the charge that his partisan statements undermined the judiciary, the charges against Chase ultimately included inflated allegations of misconduct in several trials. The House impeached Chase in 1804, but the following year, the Senate declined to convict, despite Jeffersons party holding a supermajority. This failed impeachment helped set the bounds of the proper use of the impeachment power including that judicial decisions should not be a basis for removing judges from the bench.
This norm contributes to the United States carefully balanced three-branch system of government, which requires that judges remain insulated from political pressure when deciding cases. Job security is one important contributor to maintaining judicial independence so that judges are deciding cases based on their understanding of what the law requires and not worrying that they could be removed from office if powerful political actors disagree with their rulings.
However, the impeachment power has historically been limited to cases of serious ethical or criminal misconduct. For example, in 2009, the House impeached U.S. District Court Judge Samuel B. Kent on charges of sexual assault, obstructing an official proceeding, and making false statements. Kent resigned before the Senate tried the charges. The next year, the House impeached U.S. District Court Judge G. Thomas Porteous Jr. on allegations of bribery and making false statements. The Senate convicted Porteous. Of the 15 federal judicial impeachments in history, the most common charges were making false statements, favoritism toward litigants or special appointees, intoxication on the bench, and abuse of the contempt power......
Can judges be impeached for their rulings?
Historical practice suggests a strong tradition against impeaching judges for their decisions. Chief Justice William Rehnquist, who wrote a book examining the history of judicial impeachment, found that early historical uses of the impeachment power established a norm that judicial acts their rulings from the bench would not be a basis for removal from office by impeachment and conviction.
According to Rehnquist, the attempted removal of Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase in 1804 was, in particular, enormously important in securing the kind of judicial independence contemplated by the Constitution. President Thomas Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, encouraged the House to impeach Chase, a Federalist, after Chase openly criticized the president and his policies to a Baltimore grand jury. In addition to the charge that his partisan statements undermined the judiciary, the charges against Chase ultimately included inflated allegations of misconduct in several trials. The House impeached Chase in 1804, but the following year, the Senate declined to convict, despite Jeffersons party holding a supermajority. This failed impeachment helped set the bounds of the proper use of the impeachment power including that judicial decisions should not be a basis for removing judges from the bench.
This norm contributes to the United States carefully balanced three-branch system of government, which requires that judges remain insulated from political pressure when deciding cases. Job security is one important contributor to maintaining judicial independence so that judges are deciding cases based on their understanding of what the law requires and not worrying that they could be removed from office if powerful political actors disagree with their rulings.
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Legal experts warn of 'constitutional crisis' as JD Vance and Elon Musk question judges' authority over Trump [View all]
BumRushDaShow
Feb 2025
OP
Lenin wrote out precise plans for Socialist movements to replace capitalist ones -- provoke the gov't in power, ...
eppur_se_muova
Feb 2025
#6
Vance or Bowman, whoever the hell he is, is full of shit. Checks and balances on the POTUS are essential to avoid
hadEnuf
Feb 2025
#11
it's their way of guaranteeing the appeals court looks at this immediately. n/t
Calista241
Feb 2025
#13
How about we start with President Musk. He's leading this charge, he can sit in jail on contempt charges?
33taw
Feb 2025
#14
Hey Roberts and your other 5 rw Supreme fucks thinking today..................hows that presidential immunity thing
turbinetree
Feb 2025
#17
Our first line of defense against a criminal president SHOULD be impeachment
William Seger
Feb 2025
#19
JD and others are out there running defense trying to scare us. first rule to fight against tyranny, do NOT obey
PortTack
Feb 2025
#26
We have been in a constitutional crisis since 2020 and it has accelerated every day that Trump has been on the scene
Bluetus
Feb 2025
#34
I wonder if the SCOTUS will use more pretzel logic and tell us Trump is immune from their decisions while President.
jalan48
Feb 2025
#35
I am getting more convinced that our country is going to collapse before the year is over and
kimbutgar
Feb 2025
#38
This entire fucking worthless administration has been one gigantic constitutional crisis after another.
Initech
Feb 2025
#43
If they can simply be ignored, what good are they? What good is the entire system? Gods know there were plenty of court
Karasu
Feb 2025
#45
I agree we're headed for a constituional crisis, if not already there, but what does that actually mean?
ShazzieB
Feb 2025
#49
Surprised? Well, SCOTUS did rule that a sitting POTUS can do anything he wants.
Aussie105
Feb 2025
#53