TALENT KEYHOLE (TK)
TK covers space-based IMINT (Imagery intelligence), SIGINT (Signals intelligence), and MASINT (Measurement and signature intelligence) collection platforms; related processing and analysis techniques; and research, design, and operation of these platforms (but see Reserve below).[15] The original TALENT compartment was created in the mid-1950s for the U-2. In 1960, it was broadened to cover all national aerial reconnaissance (to later include SR-71 sourced imagery) and the KEYHOLE compartment was created for satellite intelligence.[16] TALENT KEYHOLE is now a top-level control system; KEYHOLE is no longer a distinct compartment. Known compartments include RUFF (IMINT satellites), ZARF (ELINT satellites), and CHESS (U-2).[17] The KEYHOLE series KH-1 through KH-4b were part of the new TALENT-KEYHOLE designation.[18]

Angry Staffer 🌻@Angry_Staffer
I can’t read all of the controls on this SCI cover letter, but “HCS” and “TK” are both visible.

And that’s really, really fucking bad.
11:37 PM · Aug 30, 2022

Angry Staffer 🌻 @Angry_Staffer
For those asking:

HCS = HUMINT (Human intelligence)
SI = COMINT (Communications intelligence)
TK = not going to explain the letters, but I’ll say that it’s IMINT (image intelligence)

Three of our most closely guarded secrets.
11:43 PM · Aug 30, 2022

John Tye, founder of Whistleblower Aid and Zatko's lawyer, told CNN that Zatko has not been in contact with Musk, and said Zatko began the whistleblower process before there was any indication of Musk's involvement with Twitter.

He should suffer consequences that would discourage anyone like him trying for that office ever again.

And part of the public interest would be that the United States would prove to the world that no man or woman, including 'the most powerful man in the world', is above the law of this land.
It would help restore the world's confidence in the US that Trump eroded.

This year, as the labor market is even tighter, with just 2.8% unemployment in Florida, Mar-a-Lago is looking to bring on 91 temporary foreign workers. (That previously unreported number appears to be the highest in recent years.)

In July, Mar-a-Lago began to search for cooks, servers and housekeepers to work from October 2022 through May 2023, according to postings on the Department of Labor’s website. Trump’s West Palm Beach golf club is also looking overseas for employees, seeking 14 servers and cooks.

Pay for the full-time jobs that potentially get foreign workers in the vicinity of state secrets start at $11.96 an hour, up slightly from last year’s $11.70 and less than a dollar above Florida’s minimum wage.

Citizen and Immigration Services’ guidelines allow employers to hire short-term, non-permanent foreign workers if “there are not enough U.S. workers who are able, willing, qualified and available to do the temporary work.” Businesses have to apply to the Department of Labor for permission to hire these workers, listing the number of vacancies they are looking to fill. Foreign nationals from 85 countries are eligible to apply for these jobs.

When I was asked to join Watergate special prosecutor Archibald Cox as his counsel, I was serving as deputy solicitor general for criminal and national security matters. I was familiar with this problem. This issue eventually arose during the Watergate investigations because some of the so-called White House plumbers had broken into the office of the psychiatrist consulted by Daniel Ellsberg, the former Defense Department official who had leaked the Pentagon Papers to The Washington Post and The New York Times. Lawyers for the men tried to forestall prosecution for invading the psychiatrist’s civil rights, arguing that the plumbers were looking to see whether Ellsberg had disclosed such highly sensitive information as the government’s SIOPs — nuclear targeting strategies — and that they would insist on having us produce the information in open court in order to allow them to explain their motives.

We were able to sidestep this graymail defense by developing an alternative evidentiary approach, which I subsequently urged Congress to codify. After two years of hearings, Congress enacted the Classified Information Procedures Act (CIPA) in 1980. The statute is carefully designed to balance the defendant’s interest in a fair trial in matters involving national defense information and the public’s compelling interest in protecting nuclear secrets and intelligence sources and methods. Among other techniques, it allows federal trial judges to craft accurate descriptions of the types of information at issue without actually disclosing the detailed information itself.

Over the past few decades, this statute has worked reasonably well, although not always. The Guantanamo prisoners case is an example of a situation in which the court determined that the CIPA mechanisms would not work, because information about the alleged terrorists’ activity had to be made available in raw form. Defendants with their backs to the wall, aided by clever and imaginative lawyers, are still able to develop arguments that nothing short of full disclosure of the secrets themselves will be sufficient to give the jury a fair picture of the accused’s conduct.